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Welcome to the Wiki!

Chapter Summary

[PURELY FOR EXAMPLE]

If you’re feeling lost or confused after joining DSA, here is a helpful guide on how to get started in the chapter!

Member Dues

DSA is a non-profit and fully self-funded, paying dues enables you to be able to vote in the chapter’s decisions! Dues are not a set amount and you can pay as much as you want to give. Click here to pay dues and choose the amount you would like to contribute. If you cannot pay dues but would still like to be involved in the democratic processes in DSA, there is a dues waiver you can fill out here.

New Member Orientation

Every new member should attend a New Member Orientation to find out more about the organization, how it works, what we stand for, and to answer any questions you may have. [Need to figure out how to route to finding out about upcoming new member orientations].

Something something go here to figure out what to do next: Membership Roadmap

Getting Involved

Once you’ve attended a new member orientation, you should attend some political education events like Socialism 101 and Socialism 102 to learn more about the political beliefs of DSA and to gain some knowledge of socialism! The political education committee offers a variety of opportunities to gain knowledge and connect with other socialists in the process.

Socials are another good way to get involved, and there are socials held periodically in different areas in and around the Triangle.

One of the best ways to get involved in the organization is to join a working group or a chapter committee. If you want more information on this, please see the Chapter Committees and Working Groups pages.

Lastly, there are General Meetings every month. Every chapter member is encouraged to attend these meetings in order to participate in the democracy of DSA by voting on important chapter decisions. There will also be occasional informative presentations and chapter announcements during these meetings.

Click this to go to the ‘Current Members’ tab

Membership Roadmap

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You git the point

git it…?

Internal Structure

Active Campaigns

Chapter Achievements

Social Media

Not-Yet Members

Joining Triangle DSA

What is Socialism?

What is the Difference Between Leftists and Liberals?

Newly-Joined Members

Get Involved

Sustainable Engagement

Basic DSA Terms

Active Members

Interacting with DSA National

Caucuses

Joining and Using the DSA Forums

National Convention

How to Move Your Idea Forward in the Chapter

Mika Murphy

Hello comrades,

As new members join our local chapter they are looking for how to move forward proposals and ideas for chapter work. A critical component for any healthy democracy is a well-developed structure for how to engage and move forward ideas. Below, I hope to write a helpful guide for turning ideas into collective projects using my experience as a chapter member for a few years.

Socialize your Idea

A helpful maxim for much organizing work is: Socialize before you organize!

Building bonds with comrades allows you to have a low-pressure group to explore ideas, build comradery, and understand the strengths and weaknesses of those who you’ve made collective goals with

Additionally, our local chapter requires 5 signatures for constitutional members to move forward proposals, resolutions, and bylaw changes to the chapter general meetings where our whole democratic body can discuss and vote on things.

So, this provides a good first step for engaging democratically, socialize your ideas with comrades, incorporate feedback, and build a little group of folks to pursue your collective ideas together.

You can accomplish this task in a few ways:

  • Go to chapter socials and make friends with other chapter members! Exchange contact information and keep in touch. It is helpful to first establish a social connection and then to pursue the task of project building.
  • Go to the working group, committee, or section meeting which best matches the proposed idea and ask for time on the agenda to discuss the merits of the idea with comrades.
  • Post your idea on the Discord in one of the general body, small group, or socializing chats and see what people think! You can also ask for people to put a special emoji on the idea if they would be interested in pursuing collective work together. Then, you can maintain a list of these folks and follow up with them one-on-one to explore the idea together.
  • Ask folks to engage in a collective reading together to understand the ins and outs of your idea through a historical, socio-political, or local lens. This can align folks around shared objectives and paint a pathway towards winning.

It is an absolutely critical skill for all socialist organizers to be able to speak to their idea kindly, hear criticism, incorporate feedback, and persuade others to join in the process of laborign towards a collective goal. However, not everyone is skilled at this kind of sociality. So, it is incumbent on seasoned organizers to help other chapter members along in the process of idea and project building. And, it is incumbent on all members in our democratic collective to be vulnerable and ask for space for their ideas to be heard. Additionally, if you feel that you have a hard time with the social skills above then find a kind and social comrade to help you make the social lift!

Find or build a working body

After an idea is socialized and initial objections and excitements are brought up and incorporated then it is time to get more serious about working towards a strategic project which builds the power of DSA and builds working class consciousness with workers in our region. So, at this stage with a supported idea in mind it is critical to find or build a working body that can regularly check in and hold one another accountable in the deliberation and research process. It is also helpful to find or build a working body because many chapter members have special expertise over external or internal processes. By incorporating notes from these comrades in the beginning we can avoid pitfalls. For example, some proposals may be infeasible by virtue of scale, specialized knowledge, legal issues, or other obstacles.

So, it is critical that we build a working body to explore and deal with obstacles in a compelling way. You can accomplish that by taking any or all of the following steps:

  • Create a one page (or short) proposal that includes information of the who, what, when, where, and socialist why for engaging in a specific project. This proposal should seek to address how the idea works with chapter capacity, current goals, and building power for DSA as our working class vehicle. Create this proposal with your first initial comrades!
  • Present a proposal in one of the various chapter working groups, committees, or sections and ask that it be taken up as a priority. Political leadership of these bodies will make themselves available to help you build the idea and create space in our collective meetings to explore it.
  • Ask that an official or unofficial subcommittee or sub-working body be created to flesh this idea out more. And, ask that the political leadership of the main body help foster the growth and development of this committee to the end of producing an actionable plan.

Now, you are cooking with gas. At the end of this stage it should begin to become clear which obstacles and strengths are present for winning this DSA project.

Create a proposal with definite objectives

Finally, any successful campaign requires a strategic plan with definite objectives to make our work the best it can be. Therefore, we seek to write and document the plans we have for winning. This allows us to have institutional memory, evaluate current work, and criticize ourselves towards the end of winning.

Some helpful tips for writing a proposal with definite objectives:

  • Keep work time-bound. By keeping work associated with specific segments of time or events we can check in with the success or failure of a campaign at any point. Moreover, keeping things time-bound allows us to plan our work in a sustainable way and understand the work load that we may need to delegate to hit objectives.
  • Keep goals specific. How many folks does your campaign need to win? What is your target universe? Who are you hoping to build consciousness with through struggle? Many of these questions can and should be answered preliminarily before work begins. By being specific we tailor our work towards present conditions better.
  • Identify whether or not the project works well with existing DSA work. If it does, then seek input and feedback from organizers with similar experiences. If it does not, consider why we should pursue this project over other projects and consider what internal objectives winning your project might necessitate. It is absolutely okay to ask that our local chapter change. But, in order to get our chapter to change priorities it takes clear communication about why one project is more important or strategic than another. And, it also takes clear communication about the political implications of pursuing other work.

At this stage, a proposal will likely need to be continuously workshopped, put into initial action through testing small events, or you may find that the proposal is ready to be taken on as a whole-chapter priority.

Some Final Discussion

I hope this guide is helpful in pursuing new ideas and engaging in our local democracy. One amazing thing about our organization is that it is completely member-directed, member-funded, and member-run. So, the most crucial component of getting new ideas started and over the finish line is understanding and engaging with other chapter members. This means that both long-time members need to extend a helping hand to new members and that new members need to think about how to engage socially in the devleopmonet of a project. That is democracy in action. I wish you and your ideas the best!

Resources:

  • DSA offers a “Developing Strategic Campaigns” training that can help identify what objectives need to be considered to build organizational power
  • Many of the soft-skills of socializing in this article can be helped substantially through understand and practicing “listwork” which is a bread and butter organizing skill we should all seek to hone. Please reach out and ask Mika M our membership coordinator or other successful member-leaders to help you develop that skill.

Intermediate DSA Terms & Acronyms

Member Leaders

Member-Leader Requirements

Role Description

  • Member-leaders, or cadre, serve a critical role in the North Carolina Triangle DSA chapter, keeping chapter work organized and focused on meeting our collective goals
  • Member-leaders plan and execute campaigns as the intermediate layer between chapter leadership and general membership, serving as a critical link in developing newer and less-involved members seeking to deepen their involvement in the chapter
  • Since accountability and responsibility of member-leaders is paramount in maintaining democratic transparency, TDSA has implemented requirements for leadership skills and specialized knowledge so that the process to achieve member leadership is transparent
  • IMPORTANT: A new resolution was passed in January 2025 that clearly defines the expectations and requirements for Member Leadership
  • IMPORTANT: If you are a member-leader and you are looking to join the Google Group for member-leaders, please fill out this form

Eligibility Requirements

  • Who can be member-leaders?
    • Any Member in Good Standing can become a member-leader
  • What do I need to know to be a member-leader?
    • Member-leaders must attend or demonstrate equivalent knowledge from the member-leader Curriculum, which includes the following topics/courses:
      • Socialism 101, Socialism 102, Marxism 101, Mobilizer training, Building Capacity and Developing Leaders*, Security practices, Robert’s Rules 101*, How to Hold Meetings*, Grievance process and policy, Comradely Disagreement*, OrgTools training*, List Work Workshops*, & Treasurer training (where * denotes trainings provided by national DSA)
  • What level of involvement must I have in TDSA, and for how long, before I can become a member-leader?
    1. You must be a mobilized chapter member for at least six months, during which you must have engaged in demonstrable organizing activity in the chapter
    2. OR Have equivalent organizing experience within DSA or other democratic, member-led organization
    3. OR Have received a waiver of this requirement from Steering Committee
  • What if I’m politically affiliated with other organizations outside DSA?
    • You must disclose all political affiliations
  • How active must I be as a member-leader?
    • You must maintain activity in at least one Committee or Working Group in DSA, YDSA, or in a democratic member-led tenant or labor union

Being a Member-Leader

  • I meet the above requirements; now what?
    • Apply for the member-leader role to the Steering Committee
    • If you are granted the member-leader role by Steering Committee, please make sure to fill out this form!
  • Will my role as member-leader remain in perpetuity?
    • Steering may revoke member-leader status for inactivity, poor behavior as a DSA representative, or if skills/knowledge do not align with the member-leader Curriculum
  • My member-leader status was revoked; how can I get it back?
    • Appeal for reinstatement to the Steering Committee or via motion at a General Meeting, ensuring that all above requirements have been met
  • I want to hold a Committee, Working Group, Section, or Association leadership or mobilizer role; do I have to be a member-leader?
    • Yes, or you must commit to meeting the requirements in a timely fashion
  • I’m already a member-leader, so how do these requirements affect me?
    • Upon completion of the member-leader Curriculum and other requirements by the Administrative Committee and/or the Political Education Committee, ALL member-leaders must meet these requirements by a date decided by a vote of the Steering Committee

Getting Expenses Approved

TDSA is able to reimburse members for expenses associated with growing the chapter and its (active) campaigns. This often takes the form of reserving spaces to hold events, printing flyers, or purchasing supplies or food.

To request reimbursement for a chapter expense, email ncpdsatreasurer@gmail.com with a copy of the receipt and the email address associated with your PayPal account, and the chapter treasurer should issue reimbursement within a few business days. Reimbursements can also be made via check—if you need a reimbursement made via check, please make sure to make this clear when emailing the chapter treasurer’s email.

For expenses over $200 dollars, expenses outside of the accepted Chapter Campaigns, or if you are unsure if an expense will be approved, please ask in the #ask-an-officer discord channel.

In line with our practice of democracy, any member is able to write a proposal to suggest how we can spend chapter funds. For example, in 2024 Triangle DSA became a monthly sustainer of RUMAH by passing this resolution during the July 2024 chapter general meeting.

Advanced DSA Terms & Acronyms

Active Proposals

This index contains a list of all active Triangle DSA chapter-level proposals (resolutions, bylaws changes, charters, etc.)

For the purposes of the wiki, a resolution is considered ‘active’ if it:

  1. Was passed previously by chapter membership at a general/mass meeting, and
  2. If the resolution was not later overwritten or nullified by another resolution

These proposals contain a mix of resolutions, bylaws changes, working group and committee charters, etc. All bylaws changes are included in the wiki, even if no longer particularly relevent to the chapter.

P.S. All resolutions are organized chronologically, including within the year which they were passed (a resolution which is higher up on the sidebar was passed earlier in the year than a resolution further down on the sidebar)

2021

There was only one proposal passed in 2021 which is still active today. This resolution officially created steps for local political candidates to receive an endorsement from Triangle DSA. This process has since been used many times for candidates like Nate Baker, Mary Black, and Reeves Peeler.

Triangle DSA Endorsement Process Resolution

Whereas DSA has formally adopted the position that electoral politics is a central pillar of a viable socialist strategy in a formally democratic state;

Whereas Triangle DSA members have gained significant experience in electoral politics in recent years;

Whereas Triangle DSA’s growing influence has begun to put it in a position to make impactful local electoral endorsements;

Whereas Triangle DSA has no existing formal endorsement process;

Whereas a standard endorsement process across the chapter will allow Triangle DSA to exercise strategically sound and consistent judgment in endorsement decisions;

Be it therefore resolved, Triangle DSA adopts the following standard endorsement process:

Preamble: This document lays out guidelines for Triangle DSA’s electoral endorsement process. The chapter and its branches may deviate from this process as appropriate for any given candidate. The lists of suggested questions are not exhaustive or final - they will remain open to revision at any time (i.e., questions may be added, removed, or changed as necessary by the Endorsements Committee based on our endorsement experiences). The official process itself should only be altered with the approval of membership.

Step 1: Candidates request an endorsement meeting using a form on the Triangle DSA website

Potential Questions for Application for DSA Endorsement

  1. Basic info:
    1. Full name
    2. Pronouns
    3. Email address
    4. Phone number
    5. Office sought
    6. Election date
    7. Any previous elected offices held
    8. Any previous runs for elected office
  2. Short bio with reason for running (max 250 words)
  3. Where are you in the process of developing your candidacy (e.g., considering running, filed, actively seeking endorsement, etc.)?
  4. Name three of your top priorities as an elected official and briefly explain your reasoning. (max 150 words)
  5. Would you describe yourself as a socialist? What does being a socialist mean to you? (max 100 words)

Applications should be received at least 16 weeks before the election date in order to give the chapter sufficient time to run the endorsement process. Applications received after this time may be acted upon, but we cannot guarantee the process will be complete before the deadline for applications for DSA national endorsement, which must be received by the National Electoral Committee at least 10 weeks before the election date.

Step 2: Triangle DSA Endorsement Committee reviews incoming applications

The Triangle DSA Endorsement Committee will review website questionnaire responses, make a first impression assessment of the candidate and the basic context of the race, and make a reasoned recommendation to the appropriate steering committee as to whether the candidate should receive an endorsement meeting. The steering committee will have full autonomy as to the decision to grant a candidate an endorsement meeting. If the steering committee does grant a meeting, it should be communicated to the candidate that DSA endorsement requires alignment between DSA’s vision and the candidate’s.

Step 3: Branch endorsement meeting

(if the candidate’s race would more appropriately be handled by the chapter initially, skip to step 5)
While branches have full autonomy as to how to conduct their meetings, the recommended procedure is for branches to hold a 90 minute endorsement meeting. Ideally, the meeting should be recorded so that members who cannot attend can still participate in the process. Any video should ideally be posted only on internal channels, to limit the possibility of it reaching people outside DSA. Videos can also be sent to individual members via email upon request as well. Sending videos via email will be the responsibility of the appropriate steering committee.
In advance of the meeting, the branch should send to the candidate questions regarding campaign logistics and strategy, to be answered in writing so that members may review prior to the meeting. Members may ask follow up questions in the meeting. The suggested logistics and strategy questions are below:

Campaign Logistics and Strategy (in writing)

  1. Who is/are the incumbent(s) for your office?

  2. How would you describe your opponents’ electoral strength? Are you aware of any other significant challengers? How would you describe the “winnability” of your race?

  3. How many votes do you think you need in order to win? Please provide contextual historical data.

    1. If applicable: provide a breakdown of what vote totals you will need from constituent voting regions for your office.

  4. Do you think you need to expand the electorate in order to win? If so, what is your plan for doing so?

  5. How many doors do you think you need to knock on? How many phone calls do you think you will need to make? How many pieces of different kinds of literature/signage do you think you will need to drop/post?

  6. What are your plans for lit dropping, canvassing, and phonebanking?

  7. How much money do you think you will need to raise for your campaign? How do you plan to spend your funds? How do you plan to raise this money?

  8. Please provide population and demographic data on your constituency.

  9. What volunteer roles do you envision for your campaign, and how many volunteers will you need for each role? Do you already have volunteers for these roles? How do you plan to fill out your volunteer needs?

  10. Please list any other significant endorsements you have received for this campaign or for prior races.

  11. How will your messaging appeal to working class voters? How will your messaging appeal to middle class voters?

  12. How will you effectively mobilize working-class voters who have been neglected by political/electoral systems?

  13. What strategies can be used to ensure unhoused citizens are able to vote if they so desire?

  14. What are your plans for helping transport people to the polls on election day and/or for early voting?

  15. What organization(s) would you encourage your supporters to join after the election? (It does not have to be DSA)

    The meeting itself should ideally consist of two portions: 60 minutes of live Q&A with the candidate, followed by 30 minutes of deliberation among members without the candidate’s presence. Members may ask any questions they wish; some suggested questions are below:

Candidate/Campaign Relationship With DSA

  1. What do you envision as DSA’s role in your campaign?
  2. What do you think your campaign can do for DSA and to further the socialist cause? What material gains can you achieve for the working class through your campaign and, if elected, your office? How will you shift power to the working class through your campaign and, if elected, your office?
  3. Would you allow NC Triangle DSA to build its own canvassing raps and a field team which trains its own canvassers and runs its own canvasses? Would you allow us to keep and manage our own data for future DSA projects?
  4. Would you speak at a DSA event? Would you include the DSA logo on your endorsements page? Would you make social media posts in support of NC Triangle DSA and its initiatives?
  5. If you are not already a member, would you join DSA?
  6. If elected, do you pledge to continue to meet with NC Triangle DSA regularly to discuss your work and take our input? How often would you say it is reasonable to meet with DSA?
  7. How will you manage relationships with potential coalition partners who may be opposed to socialism?

Policy

Health Care

  1. Do you support universal and free access to reproductive healthcare for all, including abortion on demand, provision of all contraceptive methods, fertility support, prenatal and obstetric services, and postnatal support for new parents? Do you consider yourself unwavering on all reproductive justice issues?
  2. Do you pledge to be a champion of healthcare for all at the local/state level, including fighting for state-level single-payer healthcare, supporting Medicaid expansion, advocating for removing the profit-incentive from healthcare, and fighting against the insurance industry?
  3. Do you support full access to healthcare for all, including to undocumented immigrants and transgender people?

Labor Solidarity and Support

  1. Please describe your past/present labor organizing and union experience if any.
  2. DSA has set the labor movement as a national priority. Please describe how you will prioritize the labor movement and unions in your campaign, and if elected, during your time in office (referencing what particular issues and approaches you value most).
  3. Do you support or oppose allowing employers and unions to enter into agreements which, when ratified by a majority of employees in a given collective bargaining unit, require all employees who benefit from the union negotiated wages and conditions to pay their fair share of the union’s cost of negotiating and administering the collective bargaining agreement?
  4. Do you support or oppose a living wage of at least $15/hour, inclusive of all industries and tipped workers?
  5. Do you support or oppose a guarantee of full employment, inclusive of a jobs guarantee?
  6. Do you support policies designed to grow the cooperative sector and promote worker ownership of small businesses? How would you support and develop policies to increase worker ownership and control of industries?
  7. How do you plan to both fight legislation like Right to Work at a state level as well as draft and support legislation that makes it easier to form and join a union, like card check at the federal level?
  8. What legislation do you support that will strengthen workers’ rights in your district/state? Please be explicit.
  9. Explain your position on parental leave as it relates to your constituents.

Education

  1. What’s wrong with the current education system? What reforms would you like to see, and has the contemporary educational reform movement been effective at achieving them?
  2. What is the role of charter schools in your desired education system? Would you support an immediate moratorium on charter schools?
  3. Do you pledge to fight for universal pre-K, fully funding public schools, free college and technical programs for all, against school voucher programs, and against school segregation?
  4. Do you support universal childcare for all children in the United States?
  5. Do you support cancelling student debt?
  6. How would you fight in your position for a fairer, more equitable school funding formula that addresses socioeconomic differences across your state?
  7. Would you support legislation that enforces a student loan debt interest cap to ensure nobody pays back in fees or interest payments more than the total amount of their original borrowing?
  8. Do you support a statewide prohibition on exclusionary school discipline (i.e., suspensions and expulsions)? What other steps would you support to end the “school-to-prison pipeline”? Please include your views on the role of police in schools.
  9. (For local candidates) What is the status of the racial achievement gap in your municipality/county, and how can you use your office to improve it?

Climate and Environment

  1. Do you support a Green New Deal for your district/city/state? What would this legislation entail?
  2. (For local candidates) Do you pledge to fight to make your county/municipality a leader on climate action, particularly where commercial activity is concerned? How?
  3. What is the status of public transit in your county/municipality, and how can you improve it?
  4. Do you pledge to fight to make your county/municipality less car-centric? How?
  5. How would you include the working class in the fight for a healthy environment for all people?
  6. Do you have a position on Duke Energy or other energy monopolies with regards to ensuring energy justice?
  7. Do you support public ownership of utilities?

Criminal Justice

  1. Do you support defunding the police? How would you use your role to advance this work?
  2. What policies do you support to reduce and end mass incarceration?
  3. What is your stance on decriminalizing all drugs?
  4. Explain how you would resolve the issue of marijuana legalization coupled with mass incarceration of people with marijuana-related offenses.
  5. Would you support legislation allowing for legal marijuana business licenses to people previously incarcerated for marijuana possession and/or distribution?
  6. Do you support decriminalizing sex work? How will you advocate for the rights of sex workers in your elected role?

Civil Rights and Discrimination

  1. How would you use your office to fight racial oppression, and help to secure equity in public services and quality of life for people of color?
  2. How would you improve current laws designed to aid and protect people with disabilities? How else can you use your office to aid disabled people?
  3. Do you support pushing back on attempts to discriminate against LGBTQ people, including opposing religious exemptions to anti-discrimination laws, bathroom bills, etc.?
  4. What will you do to support LGBTQ rights in your community? How will you fight discrimination, violence, and oppression against LGBTQ people?
  5. What will you do to address high rates of violence against transgender people, particularly women of color? Will you support full access to healthcare for all, including healthcare needed to support transgender persons?
  6. How would you fight to ensure tribal nations have the autonomy and authority to protect their own peoples?
  7. Do you consider yourself a feminist? Why or why not?
  8. Please describe your experiences/contributions to the feminist movement.
  9. What would you do in office to address the problem of sexual harassment and assault against women in precarious situations, whether in housing, immigration, or low-wage work, that imperils their livelihood, homes, or presence in this country?

Democracy Reform

  1. Do you support basic reforms to increase voter registration and participation by working people, including Election Day registration, automatic voter registration, making Election Day a holiday, and increasing opportunities for early voting?
  2. Do you pledge to accept no money from for-profit corporate donors, for-profit corporate PACs, real estate developers, or lobbyists for for-profit corporations? If yes, how will you ensure your donor base is primary small-dollar donors?
  3. Do you support campaign finance reform? Please explain any specific policies you support, such as public financing of elections.
  4. Do you support alternative voting systems to First Past The Post (e.g. Instant Run-Off, STV, Borda Count, Approval Voting, etc.)?
  5. Do you support a move toward multi-member districts or proportional representation?
  6. Currently in North Carolina, signatures numbering 1.5% to 4% of registered voters are required to run as a third party candidate for state or federal office. Do you think that number is too high, too low, just right?

Economic Development

  1. Describe your plans for worker-centered, sustainable economic development in your locality.
  2. How will you ensure that economic growth is shared equally by all in your community?

Housing

  1. Describe your vision for housing justice. How will you use your campaign and elected office to advocate for this vision? Please cite any specific policy examples.
  2. What are the housing needs and challenges in your locality, and how do you plan to expand affordable housing?
  3. Do you pledge to fight for tenant justice against landlords? What steps can you take in office to protect tenants against predatory landlords?
  4. What approaches do you think are necessary to achieve quality affordable housing?
  5. Do you support collective bargaining rights for tenants?
  6. Do you support universal rent control?
  7. What percentage of area median income (AMI) should be prioritized/targeted when developing affordable housing?
  8. If publicly owned land is to be used for affordable housing, what model do you prefer? A tax credit financing model, a community land trust model, a government owned and administered social housing model, or a housing co-op model? (feel free to elaborate or rank)

Immigration

  1. Do you support abolishing ICE? What does “sanctuary” mean to you?
  2. North Carolina law prohibits sanctuary cities. What can you do to build a true sanctuary environment in your locality?
  3. How would you use your office to combat oppression of immigrants and fight for their ability to participate as equals in our society?
  4. If you have detention centers in your district, would your promise to launch investigations into their conditions? How would you make the realities of immigration detention more transparent?

Foreign Policy

  1. What would you do locally to oppose western imperialist foreign policy and the runaway influence of the military-industrial complex?
  2. Do you support the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement?
  3. Do you oppose local or state legislative and executive efforts that penalize individuals, universities, and entities that boycott Israel’s apartheid regime and complicit institutions and companies?

Other Issues

  1. What is your profession? Is a significant portion of your income derived from capital holdings (e.g., investments, rent, etc.)?

  2. Describe your record of organizing and public service.

  3. What community organizations are you a part of?

  4. Have you been active in DSA? In what capacity?

  5. How can you use your position to organize in office? How can you use your position to reach marginalized communities that tend to be underrepresented in political processes?

  6. What is your vision for grassroots democracy and community engagement at all levels of government?

  7. How do you propose to change your city/state’s budget and tax structure to better fund public services and redistribute wealth?

  8. If your campaign is endorsed nationally, will you promote a tandem ActBlue page for DSA’s nationally endorsed campaigns on your social media accounts? (When a donor gives on a Tandem Fundraising form, they can easily split their contribution between all of the campaigns listed or choose which ones they’d like to give to).

  9. What have we not asked you that we should?

    After the 60 minute live Q&A, members should spend 30 minutes deliberating and discussing the candidate’s responses and share their views on whether the candidate should be endorsed. Relevant considerations should include whether the campaign is a class struggle campaign; whether the candidate is an organizer; whether the race is strategically wise to engage in considering movement-building potential, member capacity, and resources; whether DSA’s support for the candidate would be pivotal to their victory to such an extent that the candidate would view DSA as an essential part of their base; and whether the race is winnable (notably, it is against DSA’s electoral policy to support purely protest/statement campaigns with no path to victory). See the 2021-2022 DSA National Electoral Strategy for more: https://electoral.dsausa.org/national-electoral-strategy/

Step 4: Branch vote

Following the meeting, the branch should send out an online ballot to all members. The ballot should include 4 options: Tier 1 endorsement, Tier 2 endorsement, Tier 3 endorsement, or no endorsement. Higher tiers of support will require more from the candidate - for example, Tier 1 is appropriate for candidates who commit to continuing to meet with our chapter or the relevant branch regularly if elected, consult DSA on their acts in office, be accountable to DSA, and also use their office to help promote and grow DSA.

Tier 3 endorsement:
The candidate can use our name and logo, but DSA will not be involved in the campaign beyond that.

Tier 2 endorsement:
NC Triangle DSA and its branches will make their own social media posts about the campaign and engage in other low effort support, like encouraging individual members to volunteer for or donate to the candidate, but nothing more involved.

Tier 1 endorsement:
DSA will be actively involved in supporting the campaign, helping organize canvasses/phonebanks/literature drops, giving more input on policy, etc. Tier 1 endorsement at the chapter level is required in order to apply for national endorsement for the candidate (which is the chapter’s responsibility).

In order for a successful vote to reflect a strong consensus, branches are encouraged to set the threshold for an endorsement vote at or above 60%. Voting for one tier should be understood as approval for lower tiers as well. Vote counts for lower tiers should be combined with votes for higher tiers (e.g. if a candidate does not meet the threshold for endorsement at Tier 1, the Tier 1 vote count should be added to the Tier 2 vote count to determine the branch’s level of Tier 2 support for the candidate; for Tier 3, votes for all three Tiers should be combined). If the candidate is endorsed at the branch level, the process should move to step 5.

Step 5: Chapter endorsement meeting

At this stage, the chapter steering committee should hold a chapter endorsement meeting for the candidate. The structure should ideally be the same as the branch endorsement meeting outlined in step 3 above. The candidate’s written answers to the logistics and strategy questions should be provided to chapter membership in advance of the meeting (if they prepared these answers for a branch endorsement meeting, they do not need to be resubmitted). The live chapter Q&A can use the same set of questions provided above in step 3.

Step 6: Chapter vote

The chapter should next hold an online vote in a similar manner to that described in step 4 above. The only difference is that the only vote options should be the level at which the candidate was endorsed by the branch and the lesser options (i.e., if a candidate receives Tier 2 endorsement at the branch level, Tier 1 should not be an option for the chapter).

Step 7: National endorsement

If the candidate receives Tier 1 endorsement from the chapter, the chapter should apply for national endorsement for the candidate if the candidate requests it. The application should be prepared by members of the Chapter Endorsement Committee and the Chapter Steering Committee.

2022

In 2022, Triangle DSA passed four resolutions which are still active today. The two resolutions from 2022 which is still most impactful on our chapter today were the first two passed in the year (listed chronologically in the sidebar), those being our resolution in support of the Boycott, Divest, Sanction movement and of Palestinian liberation, and the resolution for Grievance and Conflict Resolution.

The resolution on BDS & Palestine still guides our chapter work to this day, as international solidarity is one of the core principles of international socialism and the victory of the proletarian struggle around the world.

The resolution passed on Grievance and Conflict Resolution is also important to our chapter to this day. It laid the foundations for advanced internal constructive criticism and political struggle, a foundational element of any strong socialist movement.

Resolution for NC Triangle DSA to support BDS and commit to materially support Palestinian liberation through a BDS pledge card drive, as well as establish a clear protocol for BDS regarding electoral endorsements and discipline for our chapter

Whereas, Israel is a settler-colonial apartheid state, founded and predicated upon the genocide of Palestinians; and

Whereas, the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement was called for in 2005 by a broad coalition of Palestinian unions and other organizations asking for international solidarity with their struggle; and

Whereas, United States support enables Israel to commit war crimes without consequences; and

Whereas, the the Palestinian leadership of the BDS movement has declared that “Visits by politicians and parliamentarians to Israel that are organized by Israel lobby groups, including AIPAC and J Street in the U.S., cross our nonviolent Palestinian BDS picket line and harm our struggle for freedom, justice and equality”; and

Whereas, the struggle for Palestinian liberation is intertwined with the struggle for Black liberation; and

Whereas, Triangle area police departments have participated in exchanges with the Israeli military, where they share some of the worst tactics used in the oppression of Palestinians and Black and Brown communities in the US, as well as in the suppression of popular movements like the George Floyd protests of 2020; and

Whereas, DSA members voted in 2017 to fully support BDS, and called on elected officials -- especially those endorsed by DSA -- to defund ethnic cleansing and boycott apartheid; and

Whereas, our Durham branch has already formally committed to partner with local Palestinian-solidarity organizations, such as Demilitarize! Durham2Palestine (see priority resolution from May 2021 and recommitment to “Campaign II ‘’ in Dec 2021); and

Whereas, recent controversies have erupted when DSA-endorsed politicians such as Jamaal Bowman and Greg Casar have publicly opposed BDS, voted to fund Israeli military infrastructure, crossed the BDS picket line, or misled DSA chapters as to their true position on BDS prior to endorsement; and

Whereas, these controversies jeopardize DSA rank-and-file membership confidence in the integrity of DSA’s politics; and

Whereas, these controversies jeopardize working relationships with Palestinian-solidarity organizations; and

Whereas, these controversies are avoidable, and demonstrate a need for corrective action so that DSA ensures that candidates for DSA endorsements represent our organization’s stances, especially regarding Palestinian liberation and BDS specifically; and

Whereas, the NPC, the highest governing body of the DSA between conventions, has stated, “We recognize that many of our standout electoral wins have come before our organization developed a foundation from which to hold electeds accountable. Now more than ever, DSA needs to develop a robust and concerted strategy for electoral accountability… if we are serious about enacting our values in material politics,”

Therefore Be It Resolved, that NC Triangle DSA supports the Palestinian-led call for BDS;

Be It Further Resolved, that NC Triangle DSA commits to partner with local Palestinian-solidarity organizations and work to materially support the BDS movement by taking actions including, but not limited to, a BDS pledge card drive in our communities to build local support for BDS and ensure that we establish a base of political support for Palestinian solidarity in the Triangle; and

Be It Further Resolved, that NC Triangle DSA will adhere to BDS policies and will avoid spending chapter funds on products, companies and institutions that are complicit in Israel’s violations of Palestinian rights, specifically those subject to targeted boycotts by the BDS Movement; and

Be It Further Resolved, that we hereby require all candidates seeking political endorsement at the branch or chapter level to agree to abide by the demands of the BDS Movement in their capacity as an elected official, in particular complying with the BDS travel ban and opposing military aid to Israel, prior to receiving our endorsement; and

Be It Further Resolved, that a Triangle DSA-endorsed candidate traveling to Israel under conditions not satisfying the BDS definition of ethical tourism or voting to fund military aid to Israel in contradiction with the BDS movement’s strategy will result in censure to be carried out by the steering committee of Triangle DSA in the form of:

  1. The retraction of any endorsements
  2. Temporary suspension of membership from Triangle DSA for 90 days
  3. Publication of these consequences on any and all internal and external chapter-wide channels of communication.

Consequences for any other violations of BDS will be determined by general membership and may be raised by any chapter member in good standing as a call for censure, and shall be decided by a majority vote of chapter membership within 30 days of submitting a complaint to the chapter steering committee.

Be It Further Resolved, that any candidate seeking our endorsement will be informed of the contents of this resolution, particularly the requirements and consequences for elected officials, prior to their final endorsement meeting and Q&A with the chapter.

Attribution: This resolution was adapted in part from language used in resolutions passed by Memphis-Midsouth DSA and Pittsburgh DSA.

Resolution for Grievance and Conflict Resolution

Whereas the Resolution 33 process which governs grievances in DSA was principally developed for serious harms, including harassment on the basis of membership in a protected class, there still remains political and interpersonal conflicts and disputes based on less serious charges;

Whereas political and interpersonal conflicts are an inevitable and normal part of life in a mass socialist organization containing members of different political tendencies with different perspectives on organizational priorities, strategies, and tactics;

Whereas violations to the code of conduct may not reach the severity of being considered a grievance, but are still important to address and resolve;

Whereas any successful mediation of conflict requires substantial and sufficient buy-in from wider membership and all parties involved, as well as acceptance of the process, which requires adequate trust in the Harassment and Grievance Officers (HGOs) and the process overseen by HGOs;

Whereas harassment and grievance officers are volunteers providing difficult and invaluable services to their chapters and to DSA as a whole, but grievance officers in smaller chapters may have little structural support in their work;

Be it resolved that NCTDSA hereby establish grievance and conflict mediation procedures that replace the ones currently in use by the chapter.

Be it further resolved that the Code of Conduct and Resolution 33 will be the basis of the NCTDSA grievance and conflict mediation procedures.

Be it further resolved that NCTDSA, in addition to these existing conduct standards and conflict processes established by national DSA, create conflict resolution/mediation processes that, if all parties agree to restorative justice practices, may include but is not limited to:

  • HGOs serving as resources beyond just the formal grievance process
  • Procedures where each individual involved can appoint a support person as a restorative practice to serve as an emotional resource to them;
  • Community Accountability (CA) processes, based on the model developed by Creative Interventions, with HGOs or other designated individuals working respectively with the parties harmed and the perpetrator(s) of harm, with a timeline decided on consensually with deference to the agency of harmed parties and centered on the identification and successful address of the needs of parties impacted negatively in interpersonal conflict;
  • Restorative circles based on Indigenous practices that focus on the cultivation of personal connection between all members in conflict through and within an atmosphere of respect, concern, and confidentiality, facilitated by HGOs or ombudspeople;
  • Ombudspeople, who are NCTDSA members in good standing, who have received the proper conflict resolution/mediation and/or restorative justice training in order to resolve the political/interpersonal conflicts and disputes, managed by the chapter’s appointed HGOs, can be selected by HGOs to participate in conflict resolution/mediation processes based on the need of each individual case;

Be it further resolved that HGOs also offer facilitated political conflict mediation that centers the lived experience and value of all comrades in the socialist project and the activities of NCTDSA, when conflict between individuals and/or groups with differing political tendencies ruptures within the chapter.

Be it further resolved that all political conflict mediation be structured to provide greater space for healthy conflict and room for disagreement, rather than suppress political debate.

Be it further resolved that both support requests and formal grievances can be filed by emailing the HGOs at nctdsahgo@gmail.com and will be responded to within 48 hours.

Be it further resolved that this document will be paired with an information table available to members on different options that they can choose to seek support, repair and/or accountability.

Be it further resolved that the information table, HGO email, and thus steps for both seeking conflict resolution and reporting formal grievances will be introduced during every New Member Orientation and Mobilizations.

Be it further resolved that, every twelve months, HGOs will attend at least two trainings or meetings offered by DSA’s National Grievance Committee, or other training as approved by the Steering Committee.

Be it further resolved that HGOs will offer quarterly training and/or events for NCTDSA members to learn about conflict resolution, grievance processes, restorative justice practices, and/or other topics that improve the health of the organization and interactions between members.

Be it further resolved that the Steering Committee will respond to all requests for additional resources regarding conflict resolution/mediation and/or restorative justice practices within 30 days of receiving the request.

Be it further resolved that a record of all training received by HGOs will be maintained and available to members through pinned posts on Discord, in general meeting agendas, and on the website.

Be it further resolved that the Steering Committee will always consult with HGOs prior to suspending or expelling a member, and may ask HGOs to conduct an investigation or other assessment of the circumstance before issuing a decision.

Be it further resolved that, when a grievance is received, all HGOs will meet to review the grievance within 48 hours. HGOs may then begin work on fact-finding, investigating, or otherwise assessing the grievance.

  • If the grievance includes a Steering Committee member, the HGOs will immediately notify the Steering Committee and will provide a recommendation for how to proceed. The Steering Committee must decide how to proceed within 7 days of notification. The Steering Committee member in question must recuse themselves from any discussion or decision-making regarding the grievance. The HGOs’ recommendation and Steering Committee’s decision on how to proceed will be published to the general body within 48 hours of the Steering Committee’s decision. Details of the grievance and the name of the individual accused of harm in the grievance will not be released.
  • If the grievance does not include a Steering Committee member, HGOs will report the grievance and its status to the Steering Committee within ten days of their initial meeting. HGOs will provide the Steering Committee and the grievance filer updates on the status of the grievance at least every seven days. At the conclusion of the HGOs’ investigation/assessment, they will provide the Steering Committee a recommendation for addressing the grievance. The Steering Committee will make a decision, determine how to proceed, and will inform the HGOs of their decision within 7 days of the end of the HGOs’ investigation. The HGOs will inform the grievance filer of the Steering Committee’s decision within 7 days .
  • Grievances may be filed by or against an HGO by emailing ncpdsa@gmail.com, which is only accessible by Steering Committee members, or providing the grievance to a Steering Committee member in writing, rather than being reported to the HGO email address. Steering Committee members may then involve other HGOs and/or ombudspeople at their discretion to assist in addressing the concern. The Steering Committee and HGOs, as well as ombudspeople in relevant cases assisting with the process will follow the timeline outlined above where possible.
  • The Steering Committee is responsible for seeing that the agreed-upon resolution for a grievance is fulfilled. The Steering Committee will notify the HGOs when a resolution is fulfilled. The Steering Committee is responsible for enforcing any penalties or actions if a member does not complete their agreed-upon grievance resolution.
  • Should the Steering Committee or a member of the Steering Committee not fulfill the responsibilities outlined in this document or agreed upon during the resolution decision, then HGOs have the right to contact national leadership and/or notify NCTDSA’s general body of the failure to act and provide their recommendation for a response/action. The details of the grievance itself will not be discussed with or disclosed to the general body; however, the HGOs must consult the individual who filed the grievance before notifying the general body.

Be it further resolved that confidentiality and transparency in both restorative practices and formal grievance processes is vital.

  • The needs of the directly involved parties will have some primacy in determining what disclosures to the general membership are appropriate.
  • In cases where confidentiality and transparency needs may be at odds, HGO’s will determine how to balance these interests.
  • Should confidentiality need to be maintained and the general membership as a whole is an affected party, HGO’s will seek the appointment of a representative(s) in the process for the chapter community.

Be it further resolved that:

  • The chapter’s conflict resolution, mediation, and other restorative practices may be superseded when appropriate by resolutions passed by the national organization.

Resolution for More Flexible Branches (NO LONGER IMPACTFUL)

Whereas the current bylaws mandate each branch expend capacity on branch officer positions,

Whereas the majority of branches no longer want to have mandated officer positions and want to more effectively use their capacity towards external campaigns instead of redundant internal administration,

Whereas allowing branches more autonomy in determining their internal structure will give them more flexibility in organizing in their local context,

Be it therefore resolved that the underlined language be added to Article IV Section 3 and the struckthrough language removed,

Article IV. Section 3. Formation, Dissolution, and Separation of Branches.

A Branch may be chartered by majority vote of the Steering Committee upon petition of at least 50 members residing within a defined territory, belonging to a particular institution, or sharing a common interest. These members will draft a Charter outlining how the Branch will be internally governed for approval by the Chapter Steering Committee. Substantively similar Branches may be merged by the Steering Committee rather than granted separate representation. A Branch may be dissolved by the Steering Committee if it has not met for at least three months, if the Steering Committee determines the Branch is defunct, for failure to conduct its internal affairs according to the Branch’s or NCTDSA bylaws, or if it has been promoting policies contrary to those of NCTDSA or national Democratic Socialists of America.

Be it further resolved that the below Article IV Section 4 is added to the NCTDSA bylaws,

Article IV. Section 4. Branch Representative

A Branch must elect one Branch Representative to the Chapter Steering Committee. Branch Representatives are required to represent their Branches at Chapter Steering Committee meetings. Branch Representative elections will coincide with chapter officer elections, and members in good standing considered to belong to a given branch (see Article IV Section 2) may vote in the Branch Representative election for their branch.

Be it further resolved that branches that already exist, namely Raleigh DSA, Durham DSA, and Chapelboro DSA, will have the below as their charters that can then be amended by branch membership and that these charters will go into effect upon the passing of this resolution,

Branch Charter

Article I. Branch Definition

A branch is a subgroup of NCTDSA consisting of members who live in a particular area of the Triangle.

Article II. Branch Membership

NCTDSA Chapter members are considered to be members of the closest branch to where they live. NCTDSA Chapter members automatically become members of their nearest branch upon becoming a member of NCTDSA. Members may only be part of one branch at a time.

Article III. Branch Representative

A branch must elect one Branch Representative to the Chapter Steering Committee. Branch Representatives are required to represent their Branches at Chapter Steering Committee meetings. Branch Representative elections will coincide with chapter officer elections, and members in good standing considered to belong to this branch may vote in the Branch Representative election.

The Branch Representative will be authorized to chair any meetings held by the branch and has discretion to delegate this authority to other branch members.

Article IV. Branch Meetings

A branch may hold meetings to conduct branch business. A quorum of 5 percent of branch membership (but not fewer than six (6) persons) is required for branch meetings to conduct business.

The Rules contained in Robert’s Rules of Order, Newly Revised 11th Edition, will govern this branch in cases to which they are applicable and in which they are not inconsistent with the Chapter Bylaws. Consensus decision-making is desirable where feasible, but meetings must submit to Robert’s Rules of Order, Newly Revised 11th Edition upon the request of a member.

Article V. Branch Charter Amendments

The branch may amend this charter by a two-thirds majority vote at a branch meeting.

Be it further resolved that Article V is deleted from the NCTDSA bylaws,

Be it further resolved that Article VII Section 5 is deleted from the NCTDSA bylaws,

sBe it further resolved that the Articles and Sections of the NCTDSA bylaws are renumbered to reflect the above changes.

Proposed change to NCTDSA resolution process

Section 4. Resolutions
Any members in good standing may bring resolutions before the Chapter General Meeting to be voted on by membership. In order to submit a resolution to be considered at a General Meeting, a resolution must be first endorsed by: a Working Group or Committee, by the vote of a Branch General Meeting, or by at least 5 chapter members in good standing. The resolution must then be submitted to the Steering Committee at least 2 weeks before a Chapter General Meeting in order to be added to that meeting’s agenda. Resolutions submitted after that date Otherwise, they will be considered at the following General Meeting. The Steering Committee may reject submitted resolutions by majority vote if: the resolution contradicts or is prohibited by the chapter’s Bylaws or by the national organization, or if it is the Steering Committee’s opinion that the resolution is somehow incomplete, unactionable, unenforceable, or otherwise impossible to enact. The Steering Committee must provide their reasoning for any rejected resolutions, and may provide suggested amendments to a resolution’s author if they feel that a resolution would be acceptable with certain changes. The Steering Committee will announce the agenda for the General Meeting, including those resolutions to be included, at least 1 week before the meeting. Resolutions are passed by a majority vote of the General Meeting. If quorum cannot be met at the General Meeting where the resolution is presented, an online vote of members in good standing may be held.

2023

Resolution establishing a pandemic policy for NCTDSA

Whereas the COVID pandemic rages on amid virtually nonexistent and declining public health measures1;

Whereas due to politicization of COVID, lack of political will, and widespread pressure from capital interests to declare the pandemic prematurely over, official channels ostensibly charged with protecting the public, such as mainstream media2 3 and the CDC4 5, cannot be relied upon to provide reliable information and protections, instead minimizing real risks or even spreading active misinformation6;

Whereas lack of public health response makes it incumbent upon organizations and individuals to protect ourselves, each other, and the wider community from the adverse effects of communicable diseases;

Whereas COVID has been shown to cause brain damage and mood/sleep disorders7 8 9, strokes, heart attacks10 11, and long-term immune dysfunction12 in a large percentage of infected people, including vaccinated people;

Whereas the long-term effects of COVID infection and reinfection (“Long COVID”) are not well understood13, but research shows that up to 1 in 3 with COVID are affected14, and possibly more, and that long COVID occurs with some frequency in vaccinated people and mild cases15;

Whereas existing research indicates a relationship between Long COVID and numerous health conditions that strongly affect quality of life16, immunity17, and life expectancy18, some of which may be permanent;

Whereas COVID causes immunocompromisation, increasing one’s risk of subsequent reinfection, for COVID as well as other diseases19 20 21 22 23, thereby rendering “herd immunity” impossible;

Whereas COVID reinfections are common and risks of short- and long-term health risks, including brain damage, strokes, heart attacks, and death, rise with each subsequent infection24;

Whereas official COVID case counts represent a severe underestimate of actual case counts25;

Whereas an approach to COVID mitigations that relies solely on vaccination is currently insufficient due to the fact that many immunocompromised people are unable to get safely vaccinated, and due to the prevalence of breakthrough infections and severe negative COVID outcomes in vaccinated people26;

Whereas the capitalist world’s de facto “let it rip” COVID policy has allowed it to mutate out of control, meaning new, more virulent variants are developing far more quickly than our capacity to respond27;

Whereas there is no risk-free in-person event during an airborne pandemic, but universal masking28 using well-fitting N95 or equivalent respirators along with good ventilation29 have been shown to be effective risk mitigation measures that are not variant-sensitive;

Whereas we are currently faced with additional pandemics and other public health crises outside of COVID, such as the current “tripledemic” of COVID, influenza, and RSV30, and will certainly be faced with other novel pandemics in the future;

Whereas an airborne pandemic cannot be addressed by liberal appeals to individual choice, but must be addressed via collective action built on a scientific foundation;

Whereas socialist organizations should hold ourselves to a high standard so as to set an example in our communities for how to operate safely amid crisis conditions such as pandemics;

Whereas socialist organizations should prioritize the health and safety of people of color; disabled, immunocompromised, elderly, caregiving, and low-income people; and others who disproportionately bear the burden of the effects of public health crises such as the COVID pandemic;

Be it therefore resolved that all Triangle DSA events where democratic business is to be conducted (i.e., officially-sanctioned discussions about decisions that will be voted on, or those votes themselves; examples include, but are not necessarily limited to, chapter meetings or working group meetings) are mandated to be held online, or at minimum hybridized with sufficient measures in place to ensure remote participants can participate fully;

Be it further resolved that Triangle DSA establishes minimum requirements for the health and safety of all in-person events to ensure that risk is mitigated as much as possible, known henceforth as the “pandemic policy”;

Be it further resolved that the first edition of this policy is included with this resolution based on current data;

Be it further resolved that Triangle DSA establishes a Health and Safety Committee (HSC) to facilitate good health and safety practices in the chapter and ensure chapter compliance with the pandemic policy, with assigned tasks including but not necessarily limited to: creating educational materials, purchasing and distributing materials for meetings (e.g. tests, respirators, air filtration materials), and ensuring policy compliance at meetings, working with event organizers, working groups, and committees as needed;

Be it further resolved that the HSC will be open to any chapter members who wish to join;

Be it further resolved that the HSC may be dissolved by a majority vote of the Steering Committee upon determination by the HSC that the pandemic policy is no longer necessary;

Be it further resolved that the HSC may update the pandemic policy and the remote meeting policy periodically based on scientific evidence that can be reasonably trusted not to be politicized towards minimizing the risk of the pandemic;

Be it further resolved that the Communications Committee will be tasked, in conjunction with the HSC, with (1) ensuring membership is aware of the pandemic policy, (2) reminding attendees of the policy in advance of in-person meetings, (3) ensuring hard copies of the policy are posted at in-person meetings, and (4) updating membership about changes to the policy.

NCTDSA Pandemic Policy, February 2023

  • This policy applies to all in-person events held by NCTDSA, including co-sponsored events.
  • The policy should be posted visibly at the entrance to in-person events.
  • Attendees are expected to abide by the pandemic policy and may be asked to leave if they do not. The HSC will be responsible for bottom-lining this task, but any member should feel empowered to respectfully communicate the boundaries in the policy.
  • If a member feels the boundaries of this Pandemic Policy are/were not respected at a Chapter function even after being respectfully communicated and reiterated, both support requests and formal grievances can be filed by emailing the Harassment and Grievance Officers (HGOs) at nctdsahgo@gmail.com and will be responded to within 48 hours per the “Resolution for Grievance and Conflict Resolution”.
  • At all events:
    • Any attendee who has been sick with any infectious illness should not attend within 2 weeks of the onset of symptoms.
      • Any attendee who has been sick with COVID should additionally test negative on a rapid antigen test in advance of attending.
    • Any attendee who has a known exposure to a sick person within the past 2 weeks should not attend.
    • Any attendee who has engaged in a high-risk activity in the past 2 weeks, such as being unmasked at a large indoor event or unmasked air/train/bus travel, should take a rapid antigen test on the day of the DSA event and attend only upon receiving a negative result.
    • Rapid antigen tests will be provided by the chapter for people who would be financially burdened by the cost of the tests.
  • Indoor events:
    • Masking
      • Masking with well-fitting N95 equivalent (N95, KF94, KN95, FFP2, P2) or better required for all attendees.
      • N95 equivalents, along with instructions for proper fit, will be provided by the chapter for attendees who do not have their own.
        • We recommend 3M Aura, as they are likely to provide a good seal on most people without requiring a fit test, along with a bifold ear loop option for people who prefer it.
    • Food/drink
      • No food/social drinking; attendees should remain masked at all times.
    • Ventilation
      • Where possible and weather permitting, ventilation should be improved by opening windows and/or providing HEPA air filtration via Corsi-Rosenthal boxes or commercial HEPA filters.
      • Venues should be considered based on their ventilation capacity.
  • Outdoor events:
    • As illness can still spread outside31, outdoor events are not risk-free.
    • Masking
      • Masking is recommended at outdoor events, particularly in larger groups, since larger/denser groups increase the risk of infection.
      • Masks will be provided by the chapter for those who want one, along with instructions for proper mask fit.
    • Food/drink
      • Food and drinks are allowed; good food-handling practice should be exercised. For example, attendees should wear a mask when handling or standing near food.
  • Large, outdoor outward-facing events, such as rallies or protests:
    • As illness can still spread outside, outdoor events are not risk-free.
    • Masking is recommended, since larger/denser groups increase the risk of infection.
    • Reasonable effort should be made to encourage attendees to wear masks, such as recommending masks on flyers and providing masks.

Appendix

Supplementary resources are linked here: COVID Resolution Supplementary Links
Longer version of the Pandemic Policy linked here: Pandemic Policy, longer version

  1. Federal Covid Response Shrinks as New Funding Stalls in Congress, Bloomberg Law, 2022 ↩

  2. New Yorker Takes Aim at People Who Still Think Covid Is a Problem, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, 2023 ↩

  3. The Case for Wearing Masks Forever, The New Yorker, 2022 ↩

  4. CDC director responds to criticisms on COVID-19 guidance, Good Morning America, 2022 ↩

  5. It’s Not ‘Encouraging’ That Mostly People With Disabilities Die Despite Covid Shots, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, 2022 ↩

  6. A U of T epidemiologist on the myth of immunity debt and the real reason everyone’s getting sick, Toronto Life, 2022 ↩

  7. SARS-CoV-2 promotes microglial synapse elimination in human brain organoids, Molecular Psychiatry, 2022 ↩

  8. COVID-19 infections increase risk of long-term brain problems, Wash U School of Medicine, 2022 ↩

  9. Long-term neurologic outcomes of COVID-19, Nature, 2022 ↩

  10. Excess risk for acute myocardial infarction mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic, Journal of Medical Virology, 2022 ↩

  11. COVID-19 Surges Linked to Spike in Heart Attacks, Cedars-Sinai Hospital, 2022 ↩

  12. Immunological dysfunction persists for 8 months following initial mild-to-moderate SARS-CoV-2 infection, Nature Immunology, 2022 ↩

  13. What we now know about long COVID and our brains, Pursuit (University of Melbourne), 2023 ↩

  14. Over a third of COVID-19 patients diagnosed with at least one long-COVID symptom, University of Oxford, 2021 ↩

  15. Long COVID: major findings, mechanisms and recommendations, Nature, 2023 ↩

  16. What it’s like to live with brain fog, The Washington Post, 2022 ↩

  17. Transcriptional reprogramming from innate immune functions to a pro-thrombotic signature by monocytes in COVID-19, Nature, 2022 ↩

  18. Tiny Blood Clots May Be to Blame for Long COVID Symptoms, Some Researchers Say, Time, 2022 ↩

  19. ACE2-independent infection of T lymphocytes by SARS-CoV-2, Nature, 2022 ↩

  20. Immunological dysfunction persists for 8 months following initial mild-to-moderate SARS-CoV-2 infection, Nature Immunology, 2022 ↩

  21. Persistence of SARS-CoV-2 and Long COVID - A spectrum of immune dysregulation, Doherty Institute, 2022 ↩

  22. Distinguishing features of Long COVID identified through immune profiling, Yale, 2022 ↩

  23. Immune boosting by B.1.1.529 (Omicron) depends on previous SARS-CoV-2 exposure, Science, 2022 ↩

  24. People who caught Covid in first wave get ‘no immune boost’ from Omicron, The Guardian, 2022 ↩

  25. Comparison of excess deaths and hospital admissions to reported COVID deaths, Dr. Lucky Tran ↩

  26. Long COVID after breakthrough SARS-CoV-2 infection, Nature, 2022 ↩

  27. Is the ‘Kraken’ surge starting? Cases of COVID Omicron subvariant XBB.1.5 shoot up in Ontario, Toronto Star, 2023 ↩

  28. Lifting Universal Masking in Schools — Covid-19 Incidence among Students and Staff, The New England Journal of Medicine, 2022 ↩

  29. Ventilation reduces the risk of COVID. So why are we still ignoring it?, The Woolcock Institute of Medical Research ↩

  30. ‘Tripledemic:’ What Happens When Flu, RSV, and COVID-19 Cases Collide?, Yale, 2023 ↩

  31. Coronavirus FAQ: Can I get COVID outdoors?, NPR, 2022 ↩

Strike Ready Resolution for NCTDSA

Whereas all 340,000 non-management UPS workers are covered by the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) and UPS Teamster members have been organizing escalating contract actions across the country as the contract fight heats up, and will need community support as they get closer to the August 1 deadline; and

Whereas If they strike, they will need the whole labor movement behind them to show that when we fight, we win; and

Whereas the Resolution #5 from the 2021 convention of the Democratic Socialist of America mandates the National Labor Commission engage DSA as a whole with labor work; and

Whereas the NC Triangle Chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America stands in unwavering solidarity with workers and prioritizes the labor solidarity work,

Therefore be it resolved that NC Triangle DSA commits to taking the following steps to be STRIKE READY:

  • The chapter will publicly commit to the national Strike Ready campaign and to listening to rank-and-file UPS Teamsters about what support they need throughout the contract fight;
  • The chapter will announce this on social media and through all channels it uses to communicate with chapter members;
  • The chapter will ask elected officials endorsed by the chapter to commit to supporting the Teamsters throughout their contract fight;
  • The chapter will ask elected officials endorsed by the chapter to urge their colleagues to make this same commitment;
  • The chapter will democratically choose at least two Solidarity Captains to liaise with the NLC for coordination on the national campaign to support the UPS Teamsters in their contract fight. The Solidarity Captains will communicate with the NLC and attend Labor Corps Solidarity Calls;
  • The labor working group will assist the Solidarity Captains in supporting the teamsters by implementing the strike support plan outlined in the Strike Ready 2023 Chapter Kit;
  • The labor working group will assist the Solidarity Captains in organizing events to educate the chapter, engage members, and prepare for strike support and solidarity actions in support of the UPS Teamsters;
  • The chapter will promote internal and external events as widely as possible, and help mobilize members into helping with the campaign;
  • Chapter mobilizers will be briefed on the needs of the campaign and help mobilize members into the campaign;
  • The chapter steering committee will meet with Solidarity Captains at least once a month to be briefed on the progress and needs of the campaign.

Therefore be it further resolved that NC Triangle DSA will commit to the following timeline for honoring the above commitments;

By March 10:

  • The chapter will publicly commit to the national Strike Ready campaign, announcing this commitment publicly and internally;
  • The chapter will have elected at least two Solidarity Captains;
  • The chapter will have formally asked endorsed elected leaders to commit their support to the UPS teamsters, and to urge their colleagues to do the same;

By March 30:

  • The Solidarity Captains and labor working group will organize an educational event to familiarize members with key concepts of labor solidarity and strike support;
  • The chapter will assist the Solidarity Captains and labor working group by disseminating the Strike Ready 2023 Chapter Kit to chapter members.

By April 30: The Chapter will:

By May 31:

Throughout June and July :

  • The Chapter will canvass their membership, local contacts and the community to build support for the UPS Teamsters by asking them to sign the Strike Ready Pledge;
  • The Chapter will support escalating contract actions as announced by the IBT, local UPS Teamsters, and the National Labor Commission.

August 1:

  • The Chapter will turn out members and community supporters to show up at the picket line or the contract ratification celebration.

After the fight:

  • The solidarity captains will prepare a debrief for the chapter, to be presented at a subsequent chapter general meeting, outlining lessons learned, gains made, and recommended next steps for the chapter to continue building its presence and capacity in the labor movement.

Resolution for More Effective and Democratic Organizing

Whereas Working Groups and Committees are where most organizing work gets done within NCTDSA,

Whereas rank-and-file membership would be better served by clearer guidance and structure for organizing and running Working Groups and Committees,

Whereas currently-existing de facto Standing Committees are not recognized by the NCTDSA Bylaws,

Whereas DSA remains an organization that is majority white and male, while the working class is multiracial and far more diverse,

Whereas we believe that no socialist movement in the United States is possible without the active shaping and contribution by socialists who experience the most brutal of material conditions within racial capitalism,

Whereas other DSA chapters have allowed for organizing based on Sections, to provide formal mechanisms to create spaces based on identity-based formations,

Whereas socialist movements throughout history have focused on developing a working-class culture by fostering not only political organization, but cultural and social organization,

Whereas we identify the lack of communal spaces in society, and the resulting isolation that characterizes the lives of many people in the multiracial working class in 2023, as a strategic imperative to combat by creating communal spaces,

Be it therefore resolved that Article VIII of the NCTDSA bylaws is replaced with the language that follows,

ARTICLE VIII. Committees, Working Groups, Sections & Associations

Section 1. Committees.

Section 1.i Definition.
A committee is a group within the Local Chapter that is tasked with carrying out an internal function for the chapter. There are two types of committee that the Chapter recognizes: Ad Hoc Committees and Standing Committees.

Section 1.ii. Ad Hoc Committees
Ad Hoc Committees exist for a limited and explicit duration. Ad Hoc Committees may be established by a vote by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter or by vote of the Steering Committee. An explicit and limited set of goals for the Ad Hoc Committee whose fulfillment would abolish the committee must be presented at the meeting and must also be made available to the membership upon request. Ad Hoc Committees may be dissolved at any time by a majority vote of either the Steering Committee or by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter.

Section 1.iii. Standing Committees
Standing Committees are not limited to an explicit duration. Standing Committees may be established by a vote by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter. A Standing Committee is created by a Resolution passed by the General Meeting that contains a charter that details the purpose of the committee, the powers granted to the committee, and the internal structure and functioning of the committee. Standing Committee charters may be amended by a vote of a General Meeting of the Local Chapter. A Standing Committee that has not met for at least three months will be considered defunct. If a Standing Committee is found to be defunct, the Steering Committee will schedule a vote for dissolution of the defunct Standing Committee at the next available Chapter Meeting and notify General Membership. If the Steering Committee finds that a Standing Committee has failed to conduct its internal affairs according to NCTDSA bylaws or to have acted in violation of formally adopted resolutions or policies of NCTDSA, the Steering Committee may vote to suspend all officially sanctioned meetings, operations, and/or business of the Standing Committee until the next General Meeting of the Local Chapter, at which point General Membership will vote on the question of dissolving the Standing Committee.

Section 2. Working Groups.

Section 2.i Definition.
A Working Group is a subgroup of the Local Chapter that does external organizing.
The Chapter Secretary will keep a regularly-updated list of recognized Working Groups.

Section 2.ii Working Group Membership.
Chapter members are considered to be Working Group Members if they have attended at least one meeting of the Working Group and have registered their desire to become a member with the Working Group Secretary. Working Group Members are responsible for executing their respective body’s strategy in fulfillment of its objectives. A Working Group Member who has been absent for three consecutive regularly-scheduled Working Group meetings and has not notified the Working Group Secretary ahead of time of the absences in question will cease to be considered a Working Group Member. A former Working Group Member who has ceased being considered a Working Group Member due to absences can regain Working Group Member status by attending a Working Group meeting and registering their desire to become a member with the Working Group Secretary. Only Working Group Members may vote during Working Group meetings or run for positions within the Working Group. A quorum of four Working Group Members is required for Working Group meetings to conduct business.

Section 2.iii Formation and Dissolution of Working Groups.
General Membership is empowered to create and dissolve working groups by voting to do so at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter. Members interested in starting a Working Group shall submit a proposal to the Steering Committee detailing the scope and goals of the proposed Working Group along with the names of at least eight members who commit to regular participation in the proposed Working Group. If the Steering Committee determines the proposal is actionable, the Steering Committee will schedule for the proposal to be voted on by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter. A Working Group that has not met with quorum for at least three months will be considered defunct. If a Working Group is found to be defunct, the Steering Committee will schedule a vote for dissolution of the defunct Working Group at the next available Chapter Meeting and notify General Membership. If the Steering Committee finds that a Working Group has failed to conduct its internal affairs according to NCTDSA bylaws or to have acted in violation of formally adopted resolutions or policies of NCTDSA, the Steering Committee may vote to suspend the meetings, operations, and business of the Working Group until the next General Meeting of the Local Chapter, at which point General Membership will vote on the question of dissolving the Working Group.

Section 2.iv. Working Group Leadership.
The leadership of each NCTDSA Working Group will consist of at least one and at most two Working Group Chairs and at least one at most two Working Group Secretaries. Working Group Leadership terms will be set for six months, but there are no limits on the number of terms a member may serve in Working Group Leadership.

Section 2.v. Working Group Chair.
Working Group Chairs will preside over Working Group meetings and coordinate the day-to-day operations and work of the Working Group. Working Group Chairs will also act as liaisons to the Steering Committee. Working Group Chairs are empowered to liaise with external organizations on behalf of the Local Chapter, but they must get approval from Steering Committee to officially act in coalition with another organization for an event or get approval from general membership to officially act in coalition with another organization for a campaign lasting longer than 30 days. Working Group Chairs will collaborate with their Working Group Secretaries to ensure the timely dissemination of meeting announcements, agendas, and minutes to membership.

Section 2.vi. Working Group Secretary.
Working Group Secretaries will maintain an up-to-date list of Working Group Members. They may temporarily assume the responsibilities of the Working Group Chair if the Chair or Chairs are not available. Working Group Secretaries will work with Working Group Chairs to ensure agendas are made and distributed prior to Working Group Meetings and adequate minutes are taken during all Working Group Meetings. Working Group Secretaries will be responsible for updating the agenda and the minutes of all Working Group meetings, and shall have custody of these minutes, resolutions, reports, and other official records of the Working Group. Working Group Secretaries may delegate the tasks of writing meeting minutes and agendas, but ultimate responsibility for these tasks being completed is held by the Working Group Secretary. They shall transfer official records in good condition to their successor. Official records will include meeting minutes, member lists, and voting/election results. Working Group Secretaries will coordinate with the Chapter Secretary to ensure that Working Group records are successfully integrated into the Local Chapter records. Working Group Secretaries will be responsible for making all official Working Group documents available for viewing upon request by any Chapter member.

Section 3. Sections.
A Section is a group of members that associate due to a shared identity. The Chapter Secretary will keep a regularly-updated list of recognized Sections and ensure the Website is up-to-date with them. A Section is created when a group of three or more members notifies the Steering Committee of their intent to create the Section based on shared identity. Members of the Section will designate at least one Section Contact and create a charter for the Section that include qualifications for membership in the Section. The Section Contact will be responsible for communicating with the Steering Committee about the activities and business of the Section. Sections may be dissolved by a vote by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter if the General Membership finds the Section to be defunct, to have failed to conduct its internal affairs according to NCTDSA bylaws, or to have acted in violation of formally adopted resolutions or policies of NCTDSA.

Section 4. Associations.

An Association is a group of members that associate due to a shared interest. The Chapter Secretary will keep a regularly-updated list of recognized Associations and ensure the website is up-to-date with them. An Association is created when a group of three or more members notifies the Steering Committee of their intent to create the Association. Members of the Association will designate at least one Association Contact. The Association Contact will be responsible for communicating with the Steering Committee about the activities and business of the Association, as well as with the Growth, Development, and Outreach Committee. Associations may be dissolved by a vote of the Steering Committee or a vote by General Membership at a General Meeting of the Local Chapter if either body finds the Association to be defunct, to have failed to conduct its internal affairs according to NCTDSA bylaws, or to have acted in violation of formally adopted resolutions or policies of NCTDSA.

Be it further resolved that the Chapter Secretary will keep a list of recognized Committees, Working Groups, Sections, and Associations, which they will share with membership upon request,

Be it further resolved that the Chapter currently recognizes the following groups as Standing Committees, and any prior limitations on their duration are removed: Communications Committee
Security Committee
Growth Development & Outreach Committee
Health and Safety Committee

Be it further resolved that the Chapter currently recognizes the following Working Groups:
Ecosocialism Working Group
Electoral Working Group
Internacional Working Group
Labor Working Group
Political Education Working Group
Queer-Trans Solidarity Working Group
Socialist Feminist Working Group
Tenant-Organizing Working Group

Be it further resolved that currently-recognized Working Groups will adopt the new standards present within this Bylaws amendment within three months of the passing of this resolution or be found defunct as a Working Group triggering possible dissolution proceedings per section 2iii of the updated by-laws outlined in the above resolution. Alternatively, currently-recognized Working Groups can choose to reclassify as an association or section.

Be it further resolved that the Steering Committee will organize at least one Leadership Development training quarterly, which will explain the expectations for Working Group Leadership, Association Contacts, and Section Contacts as well as best practices for these positions.

Be it further resolved that the Steering Committee will organize discussion sessions for Working Group Leadership, Association Contacts, and Section Contacts to share best-practices with each other on months that do not have trainings scheduled.

Membership Committee Charter Draft

  1. Purpose of Committee

    The Membership Committee (the “Committee”) is a committee of the NC Triangle Democratic Socialists of America (NCTDSA) chapter (the “Chapter”), and is established to primarily (i) increase membership; (ii) run programs related to membership; (iii) build organizational capacity; and (iv) train membership.

  2. Committee Membership

    The Committee and its meetings will be open to all members of NCTDSA.
    All NCTDSA members can serve as members of the committee by filling out an interest form to be maintained by the Committee co-chairs (the “Co-chairs”). Members wishing to vote will need to have maintained active status, defined as having attended at least 1 of the 3 previous Committee meetings, or having communicated absences in advance.
    Two members will be elected co-chairs by committee members to lead the Committee. Co-chairs will serve 6 month terms, staggered by 3 months. Co-chairs will be responsible for maintaining an active list of members, calling for and posting agendas, and enabling and assisting subcommittees with completing responsibilities of the Committee at large.

  3. Committee Authority and Responsibilities

    The Committee will serve as a standing committee of the NCTDSA and continue functioning as the previous ‘Growth, Development and Outreach’ committee.

    1. Authority

      1. Mandated by Bylaws and Steering Committee

        The Committee shall exist until general membership votes to dissolve the Committee.

        The Co-chairs will meet with the steering committee quarterly to determine needs of the chapter and develop programs and initiatives to meet those needs, while reporting on current programs and membership matters.

      2. Data Stewardship

        Due to the fact that the Committee will have access to sensitive membership information, the Co-chairs and Steering Committee will limit access of raw membership data. Data will be shared with subcommittees and committee members as necessary to remove unnecessary sensitive data for completion of Committee tasks. The Committee will follow a similar offboarding process as the Steering Committee once Co-chairs are done serving their terms.

    2. Structure
      The Committee will be composed of subcommittees tasked with responsibilities the Committee determines necessary to fulfill its mandate. Subcommittee responsibilities will be entrusted to two or more individuals elected as needed in regular Committee meetings to serve staggered 6 month terms. The next section (III.C) details the three subcommittees and enumerates their responsibilities, though it should not be taken as a complete list and is subject to change with the needs of the Committee and Chapter.

    3. Responsibilities

      1. Outreach and intake
        To achieve the Chapter’s goals, the Committee is responsible for expanding and bringing in new socialists into membership. In order to do so, the subcommittee shall run the following programs:

        1. New Member Orientation

          The New Member Orientation aims to orient new members to the Chapter. The program will run monthly on the last Tuesday of every month. New classes as necessary for orientation will be developed and added to the orientation as necessary with the relevant working groups in the Chapter. The orientation will be updated as necessary.

        2. Mobilizer Program

          The Mobilizer Program is the Chapters tool to directly reach new members individually to plug new members into the Chapter based on their interests as well as the Chapter’s needs. The program also serves as a vetting tool, and is required for members to gain access to the Chapter Discord server. The Committee will assign new mobilizee requests to mobilizers with availability, run programs to train new mobilizers, and manage the mobilizer Airtable form. At least every 6 months the Committee will evaluate the program and make changes as necessary.

        3. Tabling

          In order to expand local DSA presence and recognition, the Committee will aim to table events where and when possible. Each branch will maintain at least 1 tabling kit, and the kits location will be tracked by the Committee. The Committee will train groups to facilitate tabling and increase the Chapter’s presence in the community.

      2. Support and social
        The Committee will be involved with supporting ongoing Chapter Sections, Associations, Working Group activities, and also host larger Chapter-wide socials. The subcommittee will work to ensure that accessibility, safety, and other concerns will be centered in its activities.

        1. Chapter Socials

          Chapter socials serve an integral function to the cohesiveness of the Chapter. The Committee will work with Chapter Sections, Associations and Working Groups to ensure events are safe and accessible space for members to socialize, organize, and collaborate. The Committee should aim for one social per season.

        2. Association/Section

          The Committee will work with Association and Section contacts to build membership as Association and Sections determine need. The subcommittee will serve as the outlet for Chapter Sections and Associations to interface with the Membership Committee as needed.

        3. Chapter merch handling

          Ensure inventory of merch and that MIGs receive merchandise. Together with the Treasurer, the subcommittee manage merchandise rewards for local dues donors

        4. Fundraising

          Host/Manage fundraising activities for different causes as directed by chapter priorities, facilitated with the Chapter Treasurer who shall be involved with the subcommittee.

      3. Internal organizing and development
        The Committee will be responsible for internally developing members to grow the Chapter to increase both capacity and skills of Chapter members.

        1. Internal Organizing

          Help facilitate bi-weekly internal organizing program as necessary for the chapter. Perform annual survey of membership and turn out involvement in chapter

        2. Member Training Boot Camps

          Run training sessions for members to be able to organize more effectively. Organize boot camps quarterly, by encouraging and asking members who have attended the previous organizing bootcamp sessions to facilitate the next session.

        3. Member Lists

          Manage changes to the member list as determined from the internal surveys as well as from lists provided by national. Every quarter evaluate and report changes and trends happening in the member lists.

  4. Committee Meetings

    The Committee will meet every 2 weeks at minimum for regular Committee business where voting and decision making will occur. Quorum for the meetings will require at least 1 Committee co-chair and 4 Committee members. Special meetings can be called as necessary and will not require quorum as no decisions requiring votes will be made at special meetings.

  5. Committee Reports

    The Committee co-chairs will meet with the Steering Committee at the beginning of every quarter to report on the status of various programs and responsibilities, and evaluate the developments of the past quarter.
    The Committee will post meeting agendas and notes online, and store and maintain all relevant documents in the Chapter google drive account with the Chapter as owner of all materials.

Current Subcommittees:

  1. Outreach and intake
  2. Support and social
  3. Internal organizing and development

NCTDSA Security Committee Charter

  1. Purpose

    The Security Committee is charged with producing standard recommendations on security practices, and conducting trainings of Member-Leaders as needed. It is bound to follow all directions of the Steering Committee.

  2. Membership

    The Security Committee is open to all Member-Leaders, including members of the Steering Committee.

  3. Leadership

    The Steering Committee will appoint up to two chairs, responsible for bottom-lining progress on Security Committee priorities, planning and running meetings, acting as liaisons to the Steering Committee, and serving as the committee’s points of contact to Member-Leaders.

  4. Recordkeeping

    The Security Committee will keep meeting minutes of all meetings for internal reference and to ensure continuity of efforts. These minutes may include the general contours of the discussion and will include any decisions made. Records will be made accessible to the Steering Committee and Member-Leaders.

  5. Communication

    The Safety and Security Committee will report on their activities to the Steering Committee as requested.

  6. Amendments

    This Charter may be amended by simple majority vote of the Steering Committee.

Resolution to update NC Triangle DSA Endorsement Process

Whereas NC Triangle DSA has experienced significant electoral gains that call for an intentional revisiting of our endorsement process,

Whereas electoral endorsement processes must remain responsive and adaptive to the needs of the chapter,

Whereas there is no current process for the official, democratic endorsement of sitting electing officials, only candidates, in previous endorsement processes;

Whereas the chapter presently has a tiered endorsement system that we feel is outdated and reflects a period where DSA was less able to follow through on endorsements;

Whereas the Steering Committee of the chapter presently has a veto power over endorsements proceeding to general membership meetings that is both unused in practice and undemocratic;

Be it therefore resolved that the following endorsement and adoption processes will replace any previous endorsement and adoption processes besides those explicitly outlined in the chapter bylaws.

Be it further resolved that Triangle DSA adopts the following standard endorsement process:

Step 1: Intake Form
Candidates request an endorsement meeting using a form on the Triangle DSA website. The form will include a highly-detailed questionnaire that the candidate must fill out to be considered for endorsement. This questionnaire may be updated by the Electoral Working Group at its discretion. Applications should be received at least 16 weeks before the election date in order to give the chapter sufficient time to run the endorsement process and mobilize the chapter in support of the candidate. Applications received after this time may be acted upon at the discretion of the Electoral Working Group.

Step 2: Electoral Working Group Review
The Electoral Working Group will review each candidate’s application it receives and vote on whether to advance the candidate to an Endorsement Meeting. A 2/3rds majority is required to advance the candidate to an Endorsement Meeting.

Step 3: Endorsement Meeting
Chapter membership holds a general meeting to interview the candidate for ideally an hour and then deliberate for ideally another hour. Chapter membership will then vote asynchronously on endorsing the candidate. A simple majority is required for an endorsement vote to be successful.

Step 4: National DSA Endorsement
If the candidate receives an endorsement from the chapter, the chapter will apply for national endorsement for the candidate if the candidate requests it. The application should be prepared by members of the Electoral Working Group and the Steering Committee.

Be it further resolved that Triangle DSA adopts the following standard adoption process:

Definition:
NC Triangle DSA defines “adoption” as being the process by which already-elected politicians officially become affiliated with the chapter outside the context of an election.

Step 1: Intake Form
Candidates for adoption request an Adoption Meeting using a form on the Triangle DSA website. The form will include a highly-detailed questionnaire that the candidate must fill out to be considered for adoption. This questionnaire may be updated by the Electoral Working Group at its discretion.

Step 2: Electoral Working Group Review
The Electoral Working Group will review the candidate’s application and vote on whether to advance the candidate to an Adoption Meeting. A 2/3rds majority is required to advance the candidate to an Adoption Meeting.

Step 3: Adoption Meeting
Chapter membership holds a general meeting to interview the candidate for ideally an hour and then deliberate for ideally another hour. Chapter membership will then vote asynchronously on adopting the candidate. A simple majority is required for an adoption vote to be successful.

Be it further resolved, the Electoral Working Group shall require prospective DSA candidates to join DSA before the EWG votes to recommend endorsement to the chapter.

2024

Resolution to Begin a Duke PILOT Campaign

Whereas, Duke University and its affiliates are tax exempt and do not pay property taxes on most of their properties; and

Whereas, Duke has an $11.6 billion endowment as of June 2023; and

Whereas, other communities with large universities, many of them universities Duke considers peer institutions, have Payment In Lieu Of Taxes (PILOT) system ranging from $2.5 million to $27 million; and

Whereas, the working class of Durham, which is mostly BIPOC, and includes city workers, as well as graduate student workers and other staff at the university itself, who build, develop and maintain Duke have not seen the wealth generated by Duke trickle down into their neighborhoods; and

Whereas, some of the issues faced by Durham workers include displacement, underpayment of city staff, and broadly, systematic underinvestment of public funds; and

Whereas, Duke’s tax-exempt status amounts to a subsidy that disproportionately benefits the wealthy; and

Whereas, as Duke also greatly benefits from favorable zoning policy, there exists a clear means of public leverage; and

Whereas, the Electoral Working Group has passed its own resolution to begin a Duke PILOT campaign

Therefore, be it resolved, NC Triangle DSA affirms that its Electoral Working Group will commit to a campaign seeking an annual $20 million (approximately 0.17% of the Duke Endowment) Payment In Lieu Of Taxes agreement, to be split between the City of Durham and Durham County; and

Be it also resolved, this campaign will emphasize the equitable and reparative ways this additional revenue can and should be used by the City and County in its goals and messaging; and

Be it also resolved, as it will be politically important to achieve a clear and public community consensus, the Electoral Working Group, in collaboration with and always seeking the approval of NC Triangle DSA’s Steering Committee, will seek to form and play a leading role in a coalition with other organizations to advance this goal, and begin outreach to organizations identified as strategic by the Working Group or Steering Committee; and

Be it also resolved, as engaging the general public is key to understanding and politically synthesizing public sentiment, identifying organic community leaders, and rooting campaigns in the socialist spirit of rooting politics in the working class, Electoral Working Group will additionally identify means of community outreach, with some examples including but not limited to canvassing, postering, and petitions; and

Be it also resolved, the Electoral Working Group will aim to begin the above mentioned community outreach in May of 2024

Priority Proposal: A New Strategy and the Fight for Bodily Autonomy

Whereas, DSA’s national Political Platform holds that the US is not a democracy and that the fight for socialism is synonymous with the fight for true democracy,

Whereas, North Carolina, by prohibiting ballot initiatives without state approval and heavily pre-empting the powers of municipalities, denies legal public input into politics,

Whereas, it is quite possible that the next state elections in North Carolina will produce a Republican supermajority legislature and/or Governor, exacerbating the lack of democracy and additionally threatening a wide swath of existing civil rights,

Whereas, North Carolina specifically is widely regarded not just among socialists, but among experts and lay liberals as well, to be an exceptionally anti-democratic state,

Whereas, North Carolina is uniquely suited for a democratic political struggle, and there is no clear existing movement for democracy with a mass base in North Carolina at this time,

Whereas, due to both our organization’s level of development and the specific anti-democratic features of our political system, it is not practical for NCTDSA to contest for meaningful power at the state or federal level, but NCTDSA has already proven it can win a municipal race in Carrboro,

Whereas, the wielding of municipal power to facilitate the creation of a mass base and displace the legitimacy of the capitalist state has wide precedent in socialist politics, and direct municipal resistance against unjust state and federal law has a broad precedent through sanctuary cities,

Strategy

Therefore, NCTDSA will convert disparate, unfocused struggles for democracy and civil rights into a broad struggle for socialism and the overturning of all existing oppressive relations,

Therefore, NCTDSA will take initiative in the movement for bodily autonomy and reproductive justice, by building a mass movement to conquer municipal power and challenge the authority of the state government through civil non-compliance, therefore assuming leadership in the struggle for democracy in North Carolina, and by openly tying these efforts together,

Therefore, NCTDSA will aim to assume leadership by showing clear and politically focused initiative, and strive to avoid any chauvinistic orientation towards other groups fighting for democratic and/or civil rights,

Therefore, NCTDSA will attempt to actively recruit and politically develop the most politically advanced layer of the working class it interfaces with through these struggles,

Therefore, this proposal shall constitute a priority for the chapter, and all provisions within this resolution shall, unless specifically otherwise stated, apply for a period of one year, upon which NCTDSA will review the campaign and optionally propose it for renewal or revision at a general meeting,

Therefore, this proposal is available for any modification or termination of its measures by the general membership at a valid general meeting of the chapter as described in the Chapter Bylaws,

Therefore, not precluding any endorsements made by national DSA, NCTDSA will prioritize municipal races over state and especially federal races, and will advise interested candidates who indicate they wish to run for state or federal level races of this policy,

Tactics

Electoral Working Group

Therefore, the Electoral Working Group will adopt as its strategy the capture of municipal governments with the explicit goal of putting these on the front line of the struggle for democracy within North Carolina, and accordingly prioritize local elections, and prioritize further races that are necessary to win a governing majority at the municipal level,

Therefore, the Electoral Working Group will collaborate with the Socialist Feminist Working Group and the Queer-Trans Solidarity Working Group on candidate recruitment and development, both in terms of cadre DSA members through direct asks and power-mapping of existing NCTDSA members who may have not considered running for office before and promising potential candidates discovered from coalition organizations,

Therefore, the Electoral Working Group will seek to get cadre DSA members, particularly but not only those interested in running as municipal candidates in the future, on municipal boards and commissions relevant to this democracy and civil rights program,

Therefore, NCTDSA will require all of its electoral candidates to run as a unified, openly democratic socialist slate, and require candidates to promote unified messaging on the fight for democracy and civil rights and the role of municipal government in this as envisioned by NCTDSA,

Therefore, NCTDSA will require all successful electoral candidates to form a socialist caucus in any body where more than one DSA-endorsed candidate is elected, deliberate strategy in collaboration with NCTDSA’s Electoral Working Group, and vote as a bloc,

Therefore, NCTDSA will not seek to capture any executive offices and will instead pursue a strategy of building legislative majorities that will take a stance of opposition to the reactionary state and federal government,

Therefore, the Electoral Working Group will create agitational draft ordinances for Carrboro, Chapel Hill, Durham and Raleigh, fitting the above criteria, and propose the chapter adopt them officially before the end of 2023 at a general meeting,

Therefore, NCTDSA will aim to mobilize the advanced layers of workers and activists in our communities to demand that the municipal councils of Carrboro, Chapel Hill, Durham, and Raleigh adopt these ordinances, as opposed to simply lobbying council members,

Growth and Development Committee

Therefore, NCTDSA’s Growth, Development & Outreach Committee will instruct and train mobilizers to cover the priority campaign during mobilizations with an ask inviting new members to participate in the next canvass, external action or meeting associated with the priority campaign, with preference given to canvasses and external actions and not meetings as the first entry to the priority campaign,

Therefore, NCTDSA’s Growth, Development & Outreach Committee will draft a basic and accessible curriculum aimed at people new to both DSA and socialism that explicitly connects the struggle for democracy and civil rights with the necessary struggle for socialism, from an introductory Marxist perspective, and by extension NCTDSA’s political strategy as described in this proposal,

Therefore, the Growth, Development & Outreach Committee will work with the Political Education Working Group to incorporate this basic political education into the new member onboarding process,

Therefore, the Growth, Development & Outreach Committee shall hold at least two fundraisers for the Carolina Abortion Fund, SisterSong, Equity Before Birth, and other reproductive organizations before the end of 2023 and document the process for other working groups, organizations, or individuals who may want to do their own,

Socialist Feminist Working Group

Therefore, NCTDSA’s Socialist Feminist working group shall pursue working relationships with other groups fighting for women’s rights in North Carolina, particularly around non-electoral initiatives to preserve access to reproductive rights and healthcare,

Therefore, the Socialist Feminist working group shall organize a campaign to disrupt local Anti-Abortion Centers holding monthly canvasses of nearby neighborhoods and businesses, picketing AACs, and teaching new participants how to organize their own actions with the goal of building an active base to help AAC clients find alternative resources and push municipalities to implement our demands,

Therefore, the Socialist Feminist working group shall work with UterRiot to expand their disruption of anti-abortion activists by providing organizing materials, recruitment assistance, and other resources as appropriate. This should also act as a way to build a larger base of support for pushing our demands,

Therefore, the Socialist Feminist working group shall recruit participants from this base through the aforementioned canvasses, as well as phonebanks led and conducted by priority campaign participants, for other reproductive care organizations to assist people seeking reproductive care in the Triangle and embed ourselves in the reproductive care provision infrastructure,

Queer and Trans Solidarity Working Group

Therefore, NCTDSA’s Queer and Trans Solidarity Working Group shall pursue working relationships with other groups fighting for LGBTIA+ rights in North Carolina, particularly around non-electoral initiatives to preserve access to gender-affirming care and generally safeguard and fight for additional rights for LGBTIA+ peoples,

Therefore, NCTDSA’s Queer and Trans Solidarity Working Group shall push Durham City Council to create a name change fund, make Durham a sanctuary city for LGBTIA+ people who are fleeing anti-LGBTIA+ legislation around the country, and expand safe spaces for LGBTQIA+ peoples to provide community and fight for liberation,

Chapter As A Whole

Therefore, NCTDSA as a chapter will specifically advertise and attempt to mobilize its membership for any public actions related to this priority proposal by the various working groups,

Therefore, NCTDSA Steering Committee will include time during general chapter meetings to discuss progress in this priority campaign.

What is the New Strategy?

In Support of the Priority Proposal

DSA’s National Platform accurately declares that the US is not a democracy. With that as our shared context, we will assume that the transition from the rule of the capitalist class to the rule of the masses will involve some kind of rupture - a revolution - that at minimum will necessarily, because the US is not a democracy, not purely occur at the ballot box.

In spite of this, most socialists rightfully recognize that electoral politics is a site of struggle, one of a few places where the masses engage in political struggle. Historical revolutionary leaders, such as Vladmir Lenin, urged revolutionary parties not to cede this site of struggle even with the awareness that revolution would ultimately not come at the ballot box.

However, historically, electoral politics on the left, including DSA, has suffered from not being consciously aware of its horizons. Most debate around electoral politics in DSA focuses on things such as whether or not to use the Democratic Party’s ballot line, which political lines and fundamental elements of our politics are red lines and which ones are up for negotiating over the course of parliamentary maneuvers, and so on. In other words, that socialists effectively engaging in electoral politics means some kind of fight for reforms while playing by the capitalist class’ rules is an assumption that is scarcely questioned.

The unspoken default assumption in DSA, with some ballot box victories but little follow-through of results, let alone historical evidence, that would back this theory up, is that fighting for some set of incremental reforms will make it easier to do other organizing (such as union organizing) that will eventually lead to socialist revolution. Others, namely Trotskyists that are mainly outside of DSA but also are a minority within DSA, have advocated variations of a “Transitional Program”, a set of reforms sufficiently ambitious such as that the capitalist state could never implement them, with the idea being that the tension between such a program being hypothetically popular and the impossibility of its implementation will hasten revolution.

Let us speak of what revolution really is, though, and make it clear that the above strategies are fundamentally indirect measures. Regardless of how it is enacted, socialist revolution is the displacement of one class by another - capitalists, and their state, being displaced by the working masses, and their state. It is the moment in time where one state, the capitalist state, loses its legitimacy, and an alternative, the socialist state, gains it. Historically, in contrast with electoral politics, most socialist organizing outside the realm of electoral politics has existed in a state of tension with the law. The ability of the capitalist class to enforce its rule, through the state, in workplaces, in rental properties, etc, is its legitimacy. When socialists historically have engaged in realms of class struggle, such as union organizing or fighting for civil rights, even when subjected to persecution and existing in a state of tension with the law, their victories are in a qualitative way, and even when they have been ephemeral, gains of the working class at the expense of the capitalist class, in a way that reforms within a legal framework fundamentally and irrevocably controlled by the capitalist class cannot be.

The New Strategy is a theory of engagement with electoral politics that accounts for a revolutionary horizon - one in which a socialist state displaces the capitalist state, and is conscious of the fact that for this to happen, the capitalist state must directly lose its legitimacy and the socialist state must gain it. In short, one major component of this strategy is the idea that we should introduce tension with the law, a direct attack on the legitimacy of the capitalist state, into our strategy of engagement with electoral politics. However, even a strategy that has a revolutionary horizon can be pointless if it is impractical or indefinitely postponed until the moment of revolution. The other major component is that at this moment we should specifically target the municipal layer of government, nearly exclusively.

There are many reasons why the municipal layer is most appropriate for this strategy. One major reason is that they simply have a lower barrier to entry at a moment where socialism in the US has not quite reached the realm of mass politics: for most places the total voting population in municipal elections is going to be much, much smaller than state or federal races. Expenditures in these races are much less, and in many places it’s even feasible for us to directly knock on the doors of a sizable amount of the relevant population. Thus, we are able to have a much more disproportionate impact.

There are other reasons, however. Another major reason is that in most places, including where it is relevant to us, municipal races are non-partisan. So much hand-wringing has been done about the dilemma of partisan politics. When the working masses engage in electoral politics, it is a zero-sum game. For any sincerely engaging voter, it is simply not rational to vote for third parties, even socialist parties, as opposed to one of the two major parties. The following is more true than ever: votes are cast more in opposition to the party people don’t want to see than in affirmation of the party they are voting for.

Therefore, for socialists to win elections in partisan elections, it is almost always necessary for them to run as Democrats against Republicans. However, when Democrats win, socialists are placed in the supremely unenviable position of being forced to play defense against Republicans while also, predictably, being sidelined and under fire within the Democratic coalition. Predictions that DSA electeds would be able to win major reforms within the Biden coalition proved to be mistaken, and the spirit of rebellion which swelled DSA’s numbers to nearly 100,000 strong during the Trump years is nearly nowhere to be found anymore.

However, one crucial reason, which is hardly discussed, is that more than any other layer, the municipal layer of government perhaps offers the most opportunity for a direct attack on the legitimacy of the capitalist state. It is unfeasible for socialists to take power at the federal level and at the state level, for reasons I do not need to justify because our organization agrees that we are not in a democracy. However, it is realistically envisionable for socialists to be able to hold the decisive sway at the municipal level in at least some places.

The municipal level of government is unappealing to those who are dreaming of hypothetical grand reforms because it does not possess the necessary jurisdiction. One also might raise the very reasonable objection that even municipalities are a component of the overall capitalist state. They are subject to the laws of the State and Federal layers of government, hopelessly out of reach. Indeed, much of the persecution that the working class experiences is at the municipal level, at the hands of cops.

That last part, however, is key. The municipal layer of government is a surprisingly important component of the capitalist state. It is where the law is mostly enforced. Indeed, that is why, in our exceptionally anti-democratic state, the legislature so heavily restricts what municipalities can and cannot do. What would happen if municipalities, being controlled by socialists, decided to ignore these rules and restrictions, or refuse to persecute the working class on behalf of the capitalist class? What if there was a way for us, even while operating in the realm of electoral politics, to directly attack the legitimacy of capitalist law, to bring the power of our class into direct conflict with theirs?

As a matter of fact, this is not without significant precedent. Most famously, we have what are known as sanctuary cities, municipalities that have decided to limit or entirely forego compliance with federal immigration detainers. Municipalities, mostly in clear defiance of mainstream capitalist party politics, have been able to mount surprisingly strong and effective resistance to federal immigration law. However, there is no broad, organized “sanctuary city” movement, let alone a socialist one, at this time.

At this political moment, when bodily autonomy rights specifically, and especially the rights to abortion and to gender-affirming healthcare, are broadly under attack, there is, in the tradition of parties that have come before us, an imperative for socialists, the most advanced layer of the working class, the layer that clearly understands the conditions of our liberation, to give mostly unorganized but very spirited resistance by the masses against their oppressors political leadership and a clear, effective direction - capture of municipalities, and a fight for municipal non-compliance with any and all measures restricting, among other things, bodily autonomy. In our state in particular, there is very little hope that those rights can be protected through traditional politics in the long run. A real opportunity exists for us to not just participate in, but lead, the actually effective struggle against the right, for our rights.

The priority proposal is a concrete implementation of this New Strategy for the conditions we face in the Triangle. It is not a start-to-finish recipe for revolution, but it consciously orients our practice towards a revolutionary horizon in a way that is practical. It places us directly into the ongoing, pressing struggle for civil rights in North Carolina. By transforming the way we approach electoral struggle, and by introducing tension with the law, our engagement with electoral politics becomes directly compatible with ongoing class struggle outside the realm of electoral politics. It gives uniformity and cohesion to the ongoing work of several working groups. It gives our chapter a clear theory of change to uphold and strive towards, one that can be concretely tested and revised as needed. It was drafted, revised, and is now supported by many chapter and working group leaders.

In conclusion, it represents an exciting new moment for our chapter, and I urge you to sign on in support, and I also urge you to attend the May general meeting where we will be discussing, debating, and voting on this.

Charter for the Political Education Committee for NC Triangle DSA

Whereas political education is vital for the advancement of the socialist movement in the United States, where right-wing, capitalist, and imperialist ideology is omnipresent, and

Whereas DSA members must be equipped with a theoretical basis to accompany and ground their organizing practice, and

Whereas we engage in socialist organizing as part of a long tradition of past socialist practice from which we can take essential lessons, and

Whereas Marxism provides a framework for historical and political analysis and practice that has allowed socialists to take power, and

Whereas political education can provide the tools for organizers to link individual campaigns to broader political struggle, which can be deployed to further embed DSA in class struggle, and

Whereas political education events can provide opportunities for DSA to demonstrate itself as a political leader and recruit new people into the organization, and

Whereas chapter committees are meant to fulfill essential chapter functions and meet chapter needs across multiple working groups, and

Whereas chapter committees should fulfill certain requirements, including the election of leadership, official record-keeping, and reporting to membership as needed, all of which increase operational accountability;

Therefore be it resolved that NC Triangle DSA’s Political Education Working Group recharters as the Political Education Committee (PEC);

Be it further resolved that the PEC be charged with the following broad mandates:

  • Political education of committee members in Marxist theory, history, and pedagogy
  • Political education of chapter members more broadly, based on identified needs
  • Support for chapter organizing practice via political education work with other chapter committees, working groups, and priorities

Be it further resolved that these mandates may be achieved through a variety of approaches, including but not necessarily limited to the organization and facilitation of reading group discussions, socialist educational events for general body membership as well as the wider community, and education segments at chapter general body meetings;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will engage in its practice scientifically, testing and assessing approaches and adjusting based on those assessments to improve its effectiveness;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will engage with the National Political Education Committee to share resources, build relationships with DSA members doing political education work in other chapters, and avoid replicating work where possible;

Be it further resolved that the PEC is open to any NCTDSA members in good standing;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will elect two committee chairs, who shall serve a term of one year, with responsibilities to include organizing PEC members, running meetings, acting as liaisons to the Steering Committee, and serving as the Committee’s points of contact to membership;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will keep official records of meeting dates, attendance, and meeting notes, which are made available to the membership of the chapter;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will report on their activities to chapter membership at General or Special Meetings as necessary;

Be it further resolved that the PEC will work with the chapter Steering Committee and other chapter bodies as needed to identify concepts, lessons and materials relevant to ongoing chapter work, and from these, prepare and deliver political education segments at regularly scheduled general meetings of the chapter as frequently as is feasible.

Resolution to Become a Monthly Sustainer for RUMAH for 2024

Whereas, RUMAH (Raleigh United Mutual Aid Hub) is experiencing a financial crisis due to their previous fiscal sponsor pulling their support and donation platform,

Whereas, RUMAH has struggled to recoup monthly donations (“sustainers”) despite acquiring a new fiscal sponsor and donation platform,

Whereas, RUMAH, as of June 2024, only collects around $1700 of their $4500 expenses per month,

Whereas, RUMAH is a mutual aid hub that serves as a community center for Raleigh’s leftist organizing,

Whereas, Triangle DSA frequently uses RUMAH’s space for events such as but not limited to presentations, film screenings, neighborhood meetings, and social gatherings,

Whereas, Triangle DSA is comfortable in its budget, with $20,000 in the bank and minimal yearly expenses, per our Treasurer,

Be it therefore resolved that NC Triangle DSA will commit to being a monthly sustainer to RUMAH by donating $100/per month for the remainder of 2024, thus providing a financial buffer in which RUMAH can recover and expand its amount of monthly sustainers in the community. This amount is in addition to per event payments and will not act as a substitute or pre-payment for venue rental costs.

Resolution for an Anti-Zionist NCTDSA in both Principle and Practice

(Note: this is an updated version of the Resolution for NC Triangle DSA to support BDS and commit to materially support Palestinian Liberation through a BDS pledge card drive, as well as establish a clear protocol for BDS regarding Electoral Endorsements and Discipline for our chapter)

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #4 and #62 from 2019, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) is an anti-imperialist organization;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolution #50 from 2019, the DSA is an anti-colonialist organization committed to advancing decolonization projects;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #41 and #45 from 2017 and Resolutions #4 and #31 from 2021, the DSA is an anti-racist organization;

Whereas, and in line with Convention Resolutions #7&8 from 2017 and Resolution #35 from 2019, DSA National has publicly declared on numerous occasions in recent years that it “unapologetically stands in solidarity with Palestinian people everywhere;”

Whereas, Triangle DSA has previously passed a standing resolution affirming our stance that Israel is a settler-colonial apartheid state and affirming our participation in and support for the BDS movement;

Whereas, Zionism – as popularized by Theodore Herzl and explicitly described by him as “something colonial,” meant to be “a wall of Europe against Asia… an outpost of [Western] civilization against [Eastern] barbarism” – is and has always been a racist, imperialist, settler-colonial project that has resulted in the ongoing death, displacement, and dehumanization of Palestinians everywhere (i.e., in Palestine and in diaspora around the world);

Whereas, the establishment of a Jewish ethnostate in Palestine (i.e., the so-called “state of Israel”) and its maintenance via ongoing and illegal occupation, apartheid and ethnic cleansing represent the culmination of Zionists’ century-long colonization of Palestine;

Whereas, and antithetical to the DSA’s contemporary principles and policies, DSA’s founding merger was heavily predicated on ensuring that the DSA would uphold DSOC’s position of supporting continued American aid for Israel’s Zionist settler-colonial project, as explicitly noted in our organization’s founding merger documents (e.g., Points of Political Unity) and by Michael Harrington himself in his autobiography;

Whereas, and antithetical to the DSA’s contemporary principles and policies, a number of DSA endorsed electeds (e.g., Jamaal Bowman & Nithya Raman) have consistently demonstrated a commitment to Zionism through their public opposition to BDS and/or support for legislation that harms Palestinians everywhere (e.g., public support for and votes in favor of U.S. financial aid to Israeli military, which forcefully advances the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestine through systematic tactics of abuse, forcible displacement, and murder of Palestinians; governmental adoption of definitions of antisemitism that conflate anti-Zionism and antisemitism, leading to the suppression of speech of Palestinians and those in solidarity with them);

Whereas, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez voted ‘present’ instead of ‘nay’ on further Federal funding for the Iron Dome in 2021;

Whereas, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez has recently conflated Zionism with Judaism and anti-zionism with anti-semitism (as seen here) and has platformed “high-level Zionist lobbyists” (as seen here);

Whereas, the DSA’s historic and contemporary association with and enablement of Zionism has jeopardized DSA rank-and-file membership’s confidence in the integrity of DSA’s overall politics, as well as our organization’s working relationships with major Palestinian-led grassroots organizations across North America;

Whereas, DSA membership has overwhelmingly denounced Zionism through its stated principles and convention mandates since 2017 but has yet to articulate these newfound principles into a more coherent praxis;

Whereas, the resolution “Make DSA an Anti-Zionist Organization in Principle and Praxis” (MSR #12), failed to be heard or deliberated on at the 2023 National Convention, and there is an urgent need to address this on a chapter level;

Whereas, a limited version of MSR #12 was eventually voted on by the National Political Committee in 2024 but its core implementations were removed during the voting process thereby rendering its subsequent passage meaningless and movement partners unsatisfied;

Whereas, in failing to pass an Anti-Zionist resolution in the spirit of MSR #12, DSA is not a safe space for Palestinians and those who organize for Palestinian liberation, as evidenced by the digital and physical threats against Palestine organizers at the 2023 convention;

Therefore, be it resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: the Triangle DSA chapter denounces the organization’s Zionist roots and reaffirms its commitment to being an anti-racist, anti-imperialist organization by explicitly committing to being an anti-Zionist chapter– in both principle and praxis;

Be it further resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: the Triangle DSA chapter is committed to the fundamental principles of Palestinian liberation, Al-Thawabit al-Wataniyya, being the Palestinian right to resistance, the right to self-determination, Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine, the right of Palestinian refugees to return (in accordance with UGA 194), and rejection of normalization with the Zionist entity.

Be it further resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: the Triangle DSA chapter once again reaffirms our organizations commitments to Palestinian liberation and the broad, international BDS movement by conveying our expectation that all of Triangle DSA’s endorsed candidates hold true to the following basic commitments:

  1. Publicly support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement;
  2. Refrain from any and all affiliation with the Israeli government or Zionist lobby groups, such as, but not limited to, AIPAC, J Street, or Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI), including participating in political junkets or any event sponsored by these entities;
  3. Pledge to oppose legislation that harms Palestinians, such as…
    • Any official adoption of a redefinition of antisemitism to include opposition to Israel’s policies or legal system, or support for BDS (e.g., IHRA definition of antisemitism);
    • Legislative and executive efforts to penalize individuals, universities and entities that boycott Israel;
    • Legislative and executive efforts to send any military or economic resources to Israel;
    • Legislative and executive actions that permit the use of force by the state against people protesting in support of Palestine;
  4. Pledge to support legislation that supports Palestinian liberation, such as…
    • Legislative and executive efforts to end Israeli apartheid and ethnic cleansing against Palestinians and promote Palestinians’ rights to return to and live freely on the land (e.g., H.R. 3103 (118th Congress));
    • Condemnation of Israeli apartheid and colonial practices (e.g., H.Res. 751);
    • Attempts to end the spending of U.S. tax dollars on Israel and/or sanction Israel until it ceases its practices of apartheid and colonialism;
    • Calls for a ceasefire in response to genocidal actions taken by the state of Israel;
    • Investigations and accountability for war crimes perpetrated by the state of Israel;

Be it further resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: potential candidates who cannot commit to the aforementioned basic expectations will be disqualified from endorsement by the NCTDSA at every level;

Be it further resolved, the New Strategy priority resolution is amended to include the following clause in the Political Education section: As a part of this curriculum, NCTDSA will provide, in collaboration with trusted Palestine Solidarity movement partners in the grassroots (e.g., Palestinian Youth Movement) and the DSA International Committee, all endorsed candidates with anti-Zionist educational materials, 1-to-1 training opportunities and ongoing, open-door counsel as needed;

Be it further resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: upon receiving fair and ample opportunity for education about the Palestinian struggle for liberation, endorsed candidates who do not commit to the aforementioned basic expectations will have their NCTDSA endorsements swiftly revoked;

Be it further resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: NCTDSA members – regardless of endorsement status – who are credibly shown to:

  1. have consistently and publicly opposed BDS and Palestine (e.g., denouncing the BDS movement in public interviews; writing public op-eds denouncing the BDS movement; drafting and voting in favor of legislation that suppresses BDS, such as legislation that suppresses speech rights around the right to freely criticize Zionism/Israel and/or the right to boycott), even after receiving fair and ample opportunity for education about the Palestinian struggle for liberation,
  2. be currently affiliated with the Israeli government or any Zionist lobby group(s) such as, but not limited to, AIPAC, J Street, or Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI), or
  3. have provided material aid to Israel (e.g., Congresspeople voting to provide Israel with material aid; gave direct financial donations of any kind to Israel and/or settler NGOs who carry out the mission of Israeli settlement and Palestinian dispossession/displacement, such as the Jewish National Fund, the Israel Land Fund, the Hebron Fund, and Regavim)

will be considered in substantial disagreement with DSA’s principles and policies, and thus, the chapter will initiate the existing disagreement-based expulsion process in line with Article 3, Section 2 of the NCTDSA bylaws and recommend expulsion by the NPC in line with Article 1, Section 3 of the national DSA Bylaws;

Be it resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: NCTDSA members expelled on these grounds may be reconsidered for membership reinstatement once per year provided they write a statement to chapter membership that 1.) demonstrates a basic understanding of Palestinian issues and Zionism and 2.) apologizes for past anti-solidaristic behaviors with a commitment to putting their new anti-Zionist principles into practice;

Be it resolved, the standing BDS resolution is amended to include the following clause: membership reinstatement of reformed Zionists will require recommendation for reinstatement by their local chapter, followed by a majority vote in favor of reinstatement by the National Political Committee, as per the national Bylaws.

Resolution for an Administrative Committee

Full Admin Committee Charter found below resolution.

Last updated Nov 13, 2024.

Whereas, there exists an overlap between Membership Committee and Communications Committee’s goals of outreach, turnout, and retention.

Whereas, there exists important work that does not clearly fit under either the Membership or Communications Committee, but which falls under general administrative work, such as maintaining our tech infrastructure.

Whereas, Membership Committee and Communications Committee have lower membership than most other working groups and would benefit from combining active membership and sharing more responsibilities.

Whereas, Membership Committee and Communications Committee have already had combined meetings for two months as a pilot of the Administrative Committee without any concerns or objections raised by its members.

Whereas, admin functions are necessary for the basic functioning of the chapter and would benefit from Steering Committee input and visibility.

Resolved, the Administrative Committee is formed as a standing committee with the following charter: Administrative Committee Charter.

Resolved, the Membership Committee and Communications Committee are dissolved.

Resolved, the current Membership and Communications Committee co-chairs will serve as Administrative Committee co-chairs for the remainder of the 2024 NCTDSA Steering Committee term. Candidates for the following Steering Committee should run with the expectation of potentially taking on an ex officio position and raising Administrative Committee-related issues to the rest of the Steering Committee as necessary.

Administrative Committee Charter

Purpose

The Administrative Committee (the “Committee”) is a committee of the NC Triangle Democratic Socialists of America chapter (the “Chapter”) established to facilitate routine Chapter functions aimed at growing, developing, and retaining membership.

The Committee will serve as a standing committee of the Chapter and take over the responsibilities of the previous Membership Committee and Communications Committee, though its scope may expand beyond that of those committees. The Committee shall exist until general membership votes to dissolve the Committee.

Responsibilities

Chapter functions under the Committee’s purview will change, but some current functions include (but are not limited to):

  • Member onboarding
    • Running the monthly New Member Orientation for new Chapter members who joined in the past month and any prospective members, or
    • Maintaining the Mobilizer Program to have 1-1s with any member or potential member interested in engaging with the Chapter
  • Social media outreach
    • Posting about Chapter events, fulfilling posting requests by general membership, and generally promoting DSA on our Chapter Twitter and Instagram
    • Creating graphics for social media posts
    • Maintaining a standard for our social media engagement
  • Socials
    • Hosting small monthly socials at various branches of the Chapters, both to increase membership by drawing in non-members and to retain membership by providing a low-stakes event to engage them
    • Planning larger socials for special events
  • Developmental trainings
    • Running training sessions to develop general membership to be able to organize more effectively, such as through leadership . Organize boot camps quarterly, by encouraging and asking members who have attended the previous organizing bootcamp sessions to facilitate the next session.
    • Organize discussion sessions for Working Group Leadership, Association Contacts, and Section Contacts to share best-practices with each other on months that do not have trainings scheduled.
  • Newsletter drafting
    • Fulfilling newsletter requests, editing them into a coherent weekly “Cardinal Points” email to be sent to members and potential members signed up to our mailing list
  • Technology infrastructure
    • Improving general tools used by the chapter, such as our internal communications platform Discord, our voting platform OpaVote, our video conferencing platform Zoom, etc.
    • Maintaining membership data to send out ballots and track membership trends
    • Maintaining our website with new statements, changes to bylaws, UI improvements, etc.
  • Chapter statements
    • Publishing statements or pieces to publicize and defend the Chapter’s political stances
    • Editing member-submitted pieces for consistency and adherence to Chapter standards
  • Event turnout
    • Textbanking, phone banking, and directly asking general membership to turn out to particularly important events
  • Fundraising
    • Managing fundraising activities for different causes as directed by chapter priorities or the Chapter Treasurer
    • Purchasing, maintaining inventory, and distributing Chapter merchandise
  • Tabling
    • Setting up a table at events to expand DSA and Chapter presence and recognition
    • Maintaining and tracking tabling kits

The Committee is responsible for ensuring these key functions are operating, but Committee membership is not responsible for actually performing all these functions. Where possible, work should be delegated to general membership who will perform these functions, with the Committee advising, training, or helping them when desired and possible.

Meetings

The Committee will meet at least every 2 weeks for regular Committee business where voting and decision making will occur. Both co-chairs are expected to attend all meetings and alternate chairing the meeting, but at least one co-chair must be present for business to be conducted. Special meetings can be called as necessary, but no votes can be made at special meetings.

The Committee will post meeting agendas and notes online, and store and maintain all relevant documents in the Chapter’s Google Drive account with the Chapter as owner of all materials.

Data Stewardship

Due to the fact that the Committee will have access to sensitive membership information, the Committee co-chairs and Steering Committee will limit access to said data. Data will be shared with committee members only as necessary for completion of Committee tasks, and unshared afterwards.

Structure

As the Committee grows and a large group of members cohere around a specific Committee function, the Committee may motion to form (or dissolve) a subcommittee focused on that particular function’s responsibilities. Subcommittees can choose how they meet and accomplish their tasks, but their decisions may be overruled by the Committee. Subcommittees do not need to regularly report back to the Committee, but they are responsible for informing the Committee when said tasks cannot be completed. Subcommittee meetings and notes must be open to Committee members; where sensitive data is concerned they may enter an executive session.

Membership

The Committee and its meetings will be open to Chapter members in good standing. Members wishing to vote will need to have maintained active status, defined as having attended at least 2 of the 3 previous Committee meetings, or having communicated absences in advance.

Leadership

Leadership will consist of two ex officio co-chairs selected by the Chapter Steering Committee, who are elected by general membership every year along with the rest of the Chapter Steering Committee.

Co-chairs will be responsible for maintaining an active list of members, calling for and posting agendas, chairing meetings, and generally assisting Committee members with completing their responsibilities. It is also expected that co-chairs will report on the status of the Committee and its programs to the rest of the Steering Committee, particularly any developing issues that need to be addressed.

2025

Proposal for Member-Leader Development

Whereas, the chapter has a “Member-Leader” role, which is not presently formally defined and is granted to members in an arbitrary way; and

Whereas, the chapter heavily relies on Member-Leaders in planning and executing campaigns and events as a de facto middle-layer of chapter leadership; and

Whereas, this middle layer of leadership is additionally important in the political and practical development of newer or less-involved members who wish to deepen their involvement; and

Whereas, democratic practice requires transparency about how positions of authority and bureaucratic significance are assigned; and

Whereas, the cultivation of democratic culture requires that leadership skills and specialized knowledge be actively disseminated and not hoarded; and

Resolved, the chapter will implement a standard curriculum of organizing skills, knowledge of DSA, and political education expected of Member-Leaders, with the aim of cultivating participatory democratic practice in Triangle DSA; and

Resolved, it is strongly suggested that this curriculum cover the following topics; and

  • Socialism 101,
  • Socialism 102,
  • Marxism 101,
  • Mobilizer training,
  • Building Capacity and Developing Leaders*,
  • Security practices,
  • Robert’s Rules 101*,
  • How to Hold Meetings*,
  • Grievance process and policy,
  • Comradely Disagreement*,
  • OrgTools training*
  • List Work Workshops*
  • Treasurer training

* Trainings provided by national DSA

Resolved, to become a Member-Leader requires going through these trainings and curricula or demonstrating equivalent knowledge; and

Resolved, to become a Member-Leader additionally requires having been:

  1. A mobilized member of the chapter for six months, during which they have engaged in demonstrable organizing activity in the chapter, or
  2. Equivalent organizing experience within DSA or some other democratic member-led organization, or
  3. A waiver of this requirement from the Steering Committee

Resolved, Member-Leaders must disclose any political affiliations outside of DSA; and

Resolved, Member-Leaders are expected to maintain activity in at least one committee or Working Group in DSA, YDSA, or within a democratic member-led tenant or labor union, to maintain their status; and

Resolved, Member-Leaders are expected to represent DSA well by maintaining a high standard of personal conduct; and

Resolved, chapter members who meet the above requirements may apply for the Member-Leader role to the Steering Committee; and

Resolved, the Steering Committee may revoke a Member-Leader status if a Member-Leader is found to be consistently inactive in the chapter, to have behaved as a poor representative of DSA, or to lack the skills and knowledge required of Member-Leaders; and

Resolved, Member-Leaders who have had their status revoked may appeal for reinstatement to the Steering Committee at any time or by motion at a General Meeting of the chapter; and

Resolved, all elected or appointed leadership of the chapter and its committees (including Ad Hoc Committees, Standing Committees, Working Groups, Sections, and Associations) and mobilizers are required to be Member-Leaders or, with Steering Committee approval, commit to completing the Member-Leader program within some amount of time; and

Resolved, the Administrative Committee and Political Education Committee are tasked with developing, maintaining, altering, and administering the Member-Leader program, and are asked to prioritize this; and

Resolved, it is suggested that the Administrative Committee and Political Education Committee should also provide some means of demonstrating equivalent skills or knowledge; and

Resolved, the Member-Leader program should be administered in a way accessible to all mobilized members of the chapter; and

Resolved, once this curriculum has been developed, upon its first administration, existing Member-Leaders will be given a deadline to meet its requirements by vote of the Steering Committee.

Proposal to Standardize Chapter Endorsement Criteria and Expectations

Whereas

  • A local organization is defined as any group of individuals organizing around a political issue in the Triangle area and surrounding regions
  • NCTDSA has historically experienced reputational and political benefit from forming coalition bonds with many local organizations (cite D2P, PYM relationship)
  • Many local organizations seek NCTDSA’s endorsement, leveraging our social media presence or name recognition
  • Endorsement is often requested ambiguously and can refer to: promoting events to the public via social media, email, or in-person flyering; encouraging turnout to events internally within our membership; including our logo to a flyer; or having our account included as a collaborator on an instagram post.
  • The politics of local organizations vary widely (cite SAlt zionist. Indivisible being pro-cop?)
  • Due to the implications of publicly associating with the politics of local organizations, the current endorsement process requires vote by steering committee, who are authorized to speak on behalf of the chapter
  • Vote by steering committee, while easily handled asynchronously, requires inefficient back-and-forth communications between those managing requests and those managing the actions that follow a chapter endorsement, especially in cases when the request in ambiguous

Therefore be it resolved

  • A tiering of endorsements that includes what we are willing to do in response is established as follows
    • Direct Support Tier: We believe this event has direct benefit to the chapter or our political goals and will direct chapter resources towards increasing turnout and facilitating a successful event.
    • Affiliate Tier: We are politically aligned with the organizers of the event and have no issue associating our name with them. This includes being an Instagram collaborator on a post, and including our logo on any flyers.
    • Reshare Tier: We do not have a political stance with respect to the organizers, or there is no clear organizer to speak of. We are willing to promote the event on social media.
  • A standardized list of organizations whose events we are willing to endorse with an associated tier, forming an allowlist, is established, initially consisting of Affiliate Tier status to events by the following organizations: UNC SJP, Duke ASJP, NCSU SJP, NCSU’s Divestment Coalition, NC Palestinian Youth Movement Network, Triangle NC Jewish Voices for Peace, Party for Socialism and Liberation Triangle NC, Triangle Tenant Union, Duke Respect Durham, NCSU YDSA
  • Steering Committee will maintain the allowlist of organizations and their corresponding tier in a location visible to chapter members and pass it to subsequent SC terms for review
  • Chapter Member-Leaders receiving endorsement requests from organizations in the allowlist should continue to share the request with officers for visibility, but do not need explicit approval to act in accordance with the respective tiers. Chapter members, who are not Member-Leaders, will share endorsement requests from organizations, in the allowlist or otherwise, with a Member-Leader to proceed with.
  • The allowlist can be amended by SC vote or amendment to this proposal
  • Where possible, endorsement requests for organizations that are not in the allowlist should be made with the corresponding tier being requested.
  • Endorsement requests for organizations that are not in the allowlist will continue to be raised to Steering Committee for a vote, but if granted, will be given a corresponding endorsement tier that will apply only to the instance of the event being requested, not all subsequent events by the requesting organization

People’s Power Campaign for a Solar Bond

Whereas, the climate crisis necessitates a rapid transition to renewable energy.

Whereas, the climate crisis necessitates aggregate reductions in our society’s energy use and total material throughput, especially in the most destructive and wasteful sectors of production and consumption (e.g., automobile manufacturing, chemical manufacturing, plastics, electronics, artificial intelligence data centers, cryptocurrency mining, jet manufacturing, and weapons manufacturing).1

Whereas, Duke Energy exploits working class people, with disproportionate impacts on Black and Indigenous people, throughout North Carolina with excessive electricity bills.2

Whereas, Duke Energy degrades the land, water, and air with its disastrous use of fossil fuels (particularly but not exclusively coal and fossil gas) and coal ash dumps,3 with one analysis identifying Duke Energy as one of the largest greenhouse gas polluters in the US.4

Whereas, Duke Energy systemically subverts democracy and popular will across North Carolina with influence spending, and has a history of charging ratepayers for these activities and others like them that go directly against the interest of their customers, the public, and the environment, with one analysis estimating that Duke Energy spends approximately $80 million annually in the Carolinas to curry favor, distort its corporate record, and mute criticism of its massive fossil gas expansion.5

Whereas, a corrupt nexus has long existed between Duke Energy and the North Carolina General Assembly, resulting in ongoing efforts to push back Duke Energy’s emissions reductions deadlines.6

Whereas, a prior stated goal of the Triangle Democratic Socialists of America’s (TDSA) Ecosocialism Working Group (ESWG) is to “Campaign to end Duke Energy’s regulatory capture of local and state governments to make public power feasible, possibly through wider state-level action” and to “Support the organizing of public power initiatives in the Triangle.”7

Whereas, control of the means of electricity generation, transmission, and distribution is a key arena of class struggle, and socialized ownership could enable and enhance the efficacy of the class struggle in general through the control of infrastructure critical to the reproduction of capitalism.8

Whereas, a public power system could democratically govern electricity flows and infrastructures as commons and provide lower-cost electricity as a universal public service for what is democratically agreed upon to be socially necessary and socially desirable, generated exclusively from renewable sources.9

Whereas, millions of people in North Carolina already benefit from membership in the Tennessee Valley Authority, electric cooperatives, and publicly owned municipal electric utilities, albeit with varying degrees of genuine democratic participation.10

Whereas, a mass movement to shut down fossil fuel plants and to establish a comprehensive, genuinely democratic, and robustly planned public power system at all scales is necessary to achieve a complete, swift, and just energy transition in North Carolina, and to build towards and/or with similar national-scale action.

Whereas, a campaign for a solar bond, defined here as a municipality and/or county issuing a bond (borrowing money) to put solar generation facilities on or near public buildings such as schools, municipal buildings, public housing, and parking lots is a promising starting point for building this mass movement locally.

Whereas, a campaign for a solar bond is a promising starting point for five main reasons. First, it would provide time to build capacity and public presence while pursuing an achievable local objective. Second, it would advance the goal of public power by increasing the amount of publicly owned renewable generation capacity. Third, it would play a role in creating a more distributed and hence climate-resilient grid.11 Fourth, it would advance public power in the public’s consciousness and create opportunities to bring community members into future efforts, as majority popular support is required for the bond to pass. Fifth, a solar bond could save municipalities money over the long term by lowering electricity costs, which could allow some resources to be reinvested into other public services and/or better wages for public workers.

Context Statement

The campaign for a solar bond described herein is intended to be the first phase of an ongoing series of campaigns that the ESWG or successor bodies would advance in the coming years, subject to general body approval upon the conclusion of this campaign. It is the intention of the ESWG that this campaign will help prepare TDSA to carry out more ambitious campaigns to shut down fossil fuel generation and expand/radically reform public power systems to challenge Duke Energy and their reactionary bedfellows statewide (for example, Duke Energy’s allies in the North Carolina General Assembly). The ESWG has also drafted and internally approved energy policies that could be incorporated as part of TDSA’s platform at a future date, subject to further deliberation.

Resolved Statements

Therefore be it resolved, that the ESWG will, in coordination with the Electoral Working Group and any other affiliated groups within the chapter, carry out a “People’s Power Campaign for a Solar Bond.” The objective of this campaign is to secure a solar bond on the ballot in at least one municipality and/or county in the Triangle region by or during 2027 and to ensure that this solar bond passes and is implemented according to the spirit of this proposal. An additional objective of this campaign is to build the capacity, public presence, and mass base of TDSA through the campaign’s organizing efforts and outreach.

Resolved, that the solar bond campaign will involve two phases: a preparatory phase (pre-bond on ballot) and an advanced phase (bond on ballot), during which appropriate tactics will be utilized in accordance with that phase, described in the work plan. In the best-case scenario, recruitment efforts and coalition work during the first 1-3 months of the campaign will enable serious parallel campaigns in Carrboro, Chapel Hill, Durham, and Raleigh, and even at the county level in Orange, Wake, and Durham counties. However, if parallel efforts prove over-ambitious, then the committee will select one or more of the most promising municipalities in which to focus its efforts to pass a solar bond.

Resolved, that during the course of the campaign, TDSA members involved in the campaign are authorized to devote excess campaign capacity to agitating for the closure of fossil fuel power plants and for a public power system. Agitational efforts are intended to lay a foundation for the aforementioned more ambitious campaigns that may be carried out in subsequent years with chapter approval, and will achieve this by raising mass consciousness around these issues and recruiting interested persons to the campaign, the ESWG or successor bodies, and to TDSA. Agitation around shutting down fossil fuel generation is self-explanatory. Agitation for a public power system is understood here to include diverse, complementary approaches: the formation of democratic municipal electric utilities, the formation of public power districts, transformative reforms to existing electric cooperatives, and the formation of regional power authorities. See appendices for further details on what each of these policies could entail.

Resolved, that in alignment with the Boycott Divestment and Sanction (BDS) movement and in solidarity with the Palestinian people, the inverters (and other components) for these systems should not be purchased from SolarEdge, or any other company which is based in occupied Palestine.

Resolved, that a “Campaign for a Solar Bond Committee” will be established to facilitate this campaign, composed of any TDSA member in good standing who wishes to participate. The campaign will make decisions in a democratic manner, will use Robert’s Rules of Order in meetings where decisions are being made, and will elect leadership positions in accordance with chapter bylaws. Campaign roles will include: 2 campaign co-chairs that will primarily preside over meetings and coordinate day-to-day operations; 2 campaign secretaries that will primarily maintain agendas, minutes, and records such as lists of campaign members as well as function as pro-tem co-chairs if necessary; and a general body of campaign members that will participate in planning, strategizing, and completing campaign actions. Other formal committee roles may be created by the committee, and further details on the structure and duties of this committee may be found in the work plan.

Resolved, that the charter of the ESWG or successor bodies will be formally expanded, that is to say that the ESWG or successor bodies are authorized to take reasonable actions to achieve the goals described in this proposal. Efforts may include meeting with elected leaders, organizing protests, speaking up in public forums, canvassing working class neighborhoods, engaging with the public through collaborative feedback sessions as well as agitation and political education, facilitating/organizing campus worker strikes, and forming coalitions with organizations that may include but are not limited to 7 Directions of Service, North Carolina Poor People’s Campaign, NoSSEP, NC WARN, Sunrise Movement, Appalachian Voices, People’s Power NC, North Carolina Environmental Justice Network, UE150, IBEW, Electricities of North Carolina, and NC Electric Cooperatives.

Resolved, that the campaign committee will provide progress updates to the chapter and the steering committee at certain intervals. These progress updates should also serve as focused time to reflect upon the campaign so far, what has been learned, and to adjust strategy and tactics as necessary. The first regular progress update will occur after the initial 1-3 months of the preparatory phase. The second regular progress update will occur at the end of the preparatory phase. Subsequent progress updates will occur at an interval determined by future deliberation to be appropriate to the needs of the advanced phase of the campaign. The steering committee may request ad-hoc progress updates of any sort outside of these windows.

Please see attached work plan for details on campaign organization, strategy, and tactics, and see appendices for additional information on public power, including policies, general history, and DSA’s past and present involvement in public power campaigns.

  1. See Slow Down: The Degrowth Manifesto by Kohei Saito, Marx in the Anthropocene: Towards the Idea of Degrowth Communism by Kohei Saito, Less is More: How Degrowth will Save the World by Jason Hickel, Burning Up: A Global History of Fossil Fuel Consumption by Simon Pirani, Fossil Capital: The Rise of Steam Power and the Roots of Global Warming by Andreas Malm, Energy and Civilization: A History by Vaclav Smil, Carbon Sovereignty: Coal, Development and Energy Transition in the Navajo Nation by Andrew Curley, The Invasion of Indian Country in the 20th Century: American Capitalism and Tribal Natural Resources by Donald Fixico, and Our History is the Future: Standing Rock versus the Dakota Access Pipeline and the Long Tradition of Indigenous Resistance by Nick Estes, etc. ↩

  2. https://ncnewsline.com/2025/03/13/duke-energys-continued-reliance-on-gas-keeps-nc-ratepayers-on-a-rate-hike-roller-coaster/. Also see https://docs.google.com/document/d/1M1BAjvArU7Vn5n8LwbjhGUrUlty3baOlSn6LfGOQMu0/edit?tab=t.0 for additional research by the ESWG on Duke’s rate setting practices and the disproportionate impacts of these on specific groups. ↩

  3. https://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/21/us/duke-energy-is-charged-in-huge-coal-ash-leak.html ↩

  4. https://peri.umass.edu/index-edition/combined-toxic-100-greenhouse-100-indexes-2021-report-based-on-2019-data/ ↩

  5. https://www.ncwarn.org/2021/08/duke-energy-scandal-ruling-over-influence-spending/ ↩

  6. https://ncnewsline.com/2025/03/11/nc-senate-republicans-unveil-and-swiftly-advance-bill-to-repeal-a-duke-energy-emission-deadline/ ↩

  7. https://docs.google.com/document/d/1D9CiE_8Y_V8o1RXDJnTVPE2s6VItHMsbWQZyNzlD6lI/edit?tab=t.0 ↩

  8. For a review of arguments related to this point, see “Socialism and Electricity: Renewables and Decentralization versus Nuclear” by Simon Pirani in Capitalism Nature Socialism 35 (2024). ↩

  9. Democracy in Power: A History of Electrification in the United States by Sandeep Vasheen, People’s Power: Reclaiming the Energy Commons by Ashley Dawson. ↩

  10. For example, see https://www.ncelectriccooperatives.com/our-members/. For further explanation of the differences between existing co-cops and municipal utilities in terms of genuine democratic participation, see chapter 5 of Vasheen’s Democracy in Power. ↩

  11. See previously mentioned paper Pirani (2024), as well as “Technology Scale and Supply Chains in a Secure, Affordable and Low Carbon Energy Transition” by Richard Hoggett in Applied Energy 123 (2014) for some of the many arguments for decentralization and distributed generation in a climate crisis scenario. ↩

The New Strategy in 2025

Whereas,

NCTDSA has twice-approved a Priority Campaign, A New Strategy and the Fight for Bodily Autonomy, and now has substantial experience of its implementation, from which it must now draw useful conclusions and iterate on.

Whereas,

At present, members engage in chapter work primarily by engaging in issue-specific subgroups called Working Groups. The following Working Groups are currently recognized1 by the chapter: EcoSocialism, Electoral, Internacional, Queer Trans Solidarity, and Socialist Feminism. Working Group activities, including campaigns, socials, and reading groups, are the primary “on-ramp” for individuals to participate in and ultimately join DSA.

Whereas,

The chapter is currently struggling to fill both Working Group leadership roles and other necessary chapter roles and committees. The most recent Steering Committee elections were almost entirely non-competitive with the exception of one candidate; and the Administrative Committee does not currently have enough participation to implement needed updates to the website or run a Mobilizer program. In addition to the Working Groups and aforementioned committees, other chapter-recognized bodies which have convened in the last month include the Afrosocialists and Socialists of Color Caucus, the Editorial Committee, the Harassment and Grievance Officers (HGOs), the Health and Safety Committee, and the Political Education Committee.

Whereas,

Maintaining five active Working Groups requires a significant amount of leadership capacity and member engagement. According to chapter bylaws, active Working Groups must maintain at least a Working Group Secretary and Chair. And in order to conduct business, Working Groups must reach a quorum of four members.2 While some members participate in more than one Working Group, it is more typical to commit to one group to attend biweekly meetings, along with associated socials, reading groups, or campaign events.

Whereas,

Working Groups limit the organizing potential of our chapter by siloing members around particular issues. For example, some campaigns that the chapter has recently undertaken may fall beyond the scope of a single Working Group (i.e. the Duke Respect Durham campaign); would be strengthened by more intentional collaboration across Working Group issue areas (i.e. the Stop RDU Quarry campaign); or propose action on issues that are not represented by the five current working groups (i.e. immigrant defense).

Whereas,

We should also consider how the structure of our chapter may better facilitate enthusiasm and engagement not just from non-members but also “paper members,” who donate to Triangle DSA but do not participate in the chapter’s work or democratic process. Our Discord server has 770 members, but on average 40 individuals attend our monthly general chapter meetings.

Whereas,

The chapter’s previous solution to these challenges was to implement a Priority Campaign Committee. The Priority Campaign Committee proved to be an unwieldy structure, and should be formally dissolved. Though it saw some successes, in getting Member-Leaders speaking regularly, and in coordinating the successful 2024 Trans Day of Action event, the burden of administering it fell on Member-Leaders who were already stretched by implementing other work related to New Strategy, resulting in a general inefficacy. An attempt to course-correct by making the Chapter Co-Chairs the chairs of the committee failed, as both Chapter Co-Chairs were low on capacity and ended up moving away from the Chapter, leading to the committee becoming defunct. While the Steering Committee is not a direct substitute, it is the role of the Steering Committee to facilitate coordination of the chapter’s work and the Member-Leaders that implement it.

Whereas,

While Working Groups have succeeded at bringing in and retaining chapter members and offer smaller spaces of community in a chapter with over 700 members, a shift to an organizational structure that centers the chapter’s active campaigns may generate more enthusiasm and buy-in from membership and potential members in the Triangle.

Whereas,

Attributable to the effects of major party endorsements on a presidential election year drowning out DSA ground-game efforts, Triangle DSA lost two endorsed city council races in Raleigh. While these are not entirely responsible for the loss, difficulties faced by the chapter during the 2024 election cycle in maintaining consistent communication and strategic alignment with candidates highlight the need for the chapter to adopt a more intentional approach to electoral politics that ensures candidates are aligned with DSA as an organization, and clearly communicate requirements with candidates.

Restructuring

Resolved,

The Chapter declares its intent to organize core chapter work around Campaign Committees instead of the current Working Group-based model. Campaign Committees are understood to be Standing Committees under the Chapter Bylaws tasked with administering a particular campaign that has been endorsed by a majority vote at a general meeting of the Chapter membership, following an approved proposal to the Steering Committee. The chapter website and mobilizer form will be updated to reflect the chapter’s active campaigns as opposed to Working Groups.

Resolved,

Instead of Working Groups which are required to achieve quorum and maintain leadership, members will be encouraged to engage in more flexible Sections and Associations in order to formulate campaign proposals or associate by social or political interest where relevant. The following is understood about the purpose of the following types of committees henceforth:

  1. Sections group chapter members by identity or a particular site of struggle.
  2. Associations are understood to group chapter members by interest on a voluntary basis, whether by social interest or political interest, including reading groups outside of other official chapter bodies, and groups of members interested in drafting and/or proposing a campaign to the chapter.

Resolved,

Moving away from Working Groups is a move toward intentionality about how we direct our members’ energy and present our work to the Triangle.

Resolved,

Active committees of the chapter are reconstituted as follows:

  • The Health and Safety Committee is merged into the Administrative Committee.
  • The Electoral Working Group is the Socialists-in-Office Committee.
  • The Ecosocialism Working Group is the Campaign for a Solar Bond Committee.
  • The Internacional Working Group is the No Appetite for Apartheid Campaign Committee.
  • The Queer and Trans Solidarity Working Group is the Queer and Trans Solidarity Section.
  • The Socialist Feminist Working Group is the Abort Fake Clinics Committee.

Resolved,

The Priority Campaign Committee is dissolved.

Resolved,

All Committees, Sections, and Associations of the Chapter are henceforward considered time-bound, with a sunset date to concur with the annual chapter convention. In order to retain their status, they must resubmit their existing charters or submit new charters to be considered at that time.

Campaigns

Resolved,

Triangle DSA recognizes three campaigns:

  1. Abort Fake Clinics!
  2. No Appetite for Apartheid
  3. People’s Power Campaign

Resolved,

Triangle DSA’s involvement in the Duke Respect Durham campaign is recognized as lapsed.

Member-Leaders

Resolved,

The Member-Leaders are responsible for steering the chapter’s transition to a Campaign based organization. The Co-Chairs of Triangle DSA will serve as the Co-Chairs of the Committee of Member-Leaders. They will alternate setting agendas for Committee of Member-Leader meetings whenever feasible, and actively seek feedback and suggestions from Member-Leaders on agenda items. All Member-Leaders will meet monthly between general meetings of the Chapter, discuss ongoing work and issues of consequence to the Chapter in a group setting, and provide appropriate guidance to each other and the Steering Committee. Meetings are to be hybrid whenever feasible, with the in-person component additionally rotating between Chapel Hill/Carrboro, Durham, and Raleigh/Cary whenever feasible. Unless and until the Bylaws are amended to provide further powers, the powers of this Committee of Member-Leaders are those enumerated in this resolution, as compliant with the Bylaws of the Chapter, and to issue recommendations to the Steering Committee. Committee of Member-Leader meetings have a quorum of a majority of the Steering Committee and a quarter of Member-Leaders.

Resolved,

Interested Member-Leaders, will, taking into account current and previous chapter work and the last few years of the New Strategy, be assigned to an Ad Hoc committee to draft a proposed Political Program for the chapter. To ensure that the chapter is being deliberate about using its Political Program not just as an agitational tool, but to also strengthen its organizing by testing its work against a theory of change, campaigns of the chapter must be compatible with this Political Program and further its aims or include an amendment if such a Political Program is approved by the Chapter at a General Meeting. If a proposed campaign is not compatible with the Political Program, it should include an amendment to the Political Program.

  1. The Labor Working Group was dissolved by a Steering Committee vote in [enter date and some context here]. The Political Education Committee is a standing committee not subject to Working Group bylaws. ↩

  2. Most Working Groups hold meetings every two weeks, although the bylaws only stipulate meeting quorum once every three months. ↩

Resources

Requesting Support & the TDSA Grievance Policy

Using and Changing the Wiki

Full Glossary

TDSA Bylaws

References